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Summit in Tanzania: Towards a return to peace in DRC?

It’s not every day that this happens. Several heads of state and government gathered for an extraordinary joint regional summit between the heads of state of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) and the East African Community (EAC) in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, on February 8, 2025, to discuss the conflict in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Since the M23 rebel group captured the city of Goma on January 27, nearly 3,000 people have been killed.

Although the outcome is still pending, the leaders of the two sub-regional organizations are already calling for “an immediate ceasefire and an end to the fighting.” What can we expect from peace? 

The summit is a very rare occurrence, because on the question of the DRC, these two communities don’t often collaborate.

“Dar es Salaam seems different from the other diplomatic steps taken by the two parties involved in the war in North and South Kivu [M23 and the Congolese army], with this request for an immediate ceasefire,” says Lucien Sebuke, a journalist based in Goma. Lucien is a journalist specializing in political issues and presents the political column on Goma University radio.

Corneille Naanga, President of the Alliance du fleuve Congo / M23 in a meeting held on Thursday 06 February 2025 in the town of Goma. Photo by Fidèle Kitsa, used with permission.

For several months, the city of Goma has been cut off from the rest of the country by road. The M23’s first decision to ban maritime traffic in the early hours after the capture of Goma closed the only road in and out of Goma. The joint summit then called for the reopening of the Goma-Sake-Bukavu, Goma-Kibumba-Rumangabo-Kalengera-Rutshuru-Bunagana, and Goma-Kiwanja-Rwindi-Kanyabayonga-Lubero road axis. 

Also concerned is the resumption of river navigation on Lake Kivu between Goma and Bukavu. “Let’s see how this is really going to work. These roads are important for human traffic and the transport of food products. But who’s going to secure them? It’s a vast region, and as far as North Kivu is concerned, a large part of these routes is under M23 control,” points out Sebuke.

Luanda and Nairobi have been stalling for almost 3 years

The joint summit has proposed merging the two peace processes currently underway in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC): the Luanda process, led by Angolan President Joao Lourenço, and the Nairobi process, led by former Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta.
The rivalry between the two communities is one of the causes of the failure of Luanda and Nairobi, according to Daddy Saleh, university professor and political essayist. 

“Up until now, the SADC has supported Kinshasa (the DRC) in its refusal to negotiate, and is helping the government militarily with its forces to recover the territories. Moreover, it has held Rwanda responsible in its communiqués. The EAC, on the other hand, does not support Kinshasa’s approach, but Kigali’s, which states that Rwanda is not involved and that the situation in the DRC is an internal political crisis to be managed through dialogue. This is really what is blocking the merger,” he says.

“Each community trusted its own process and mediator. Nairobi is in the logic of a dialogue with the national armed groups, including the M23, before being excluded after the resumption of hostilities. But Luanda is in the logic of a dialogue between the DRC and Rwanda, especially the conciliation of points of view between Félix Tshisekedi of the DRC and Paul Kagame of Rwanda” adds Saleh.

By merging the two processes, the Dar es Salaam summit faces a major challenge in reconciling these two extremes. The roles of Joao Lorenzo and Uhuru Kenyatta also need to be clarified, and above all the willingness of the two regional communities to make constructive concessions to resolve the problem. “Félix Tshisekedi and Paul Kagame need to show their good will, and SADC and EAC need to tell these heads of state,” says a diplomatic source.

There is hope for peace

“The joint summit asked the heads of the defense forces of the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) to meet within five days and provide technical guidance on an immediate and unconditional ceasefire and cessation of hostilities,” said a spokesman at the end of the summit.

An ICRC vehicle carrying bodies to the ITIG  cemetery in the town of Goma. Photo by Fidèle Kitsa, used with permission.

Sebuke felt that the massacre in Goma should call on all parties to ensure that nothing like it happens again. “We hope that the human and material damage caused by the attack on Goma will enable the two belligerents to take future decisions that will have less of a negative impact on civilian populations,” he said, adding, “everything must be done to preserve human life, it’s abnormal. Hope for peace will also lie in sanctions against the perpetrators of crimes against civilians in particular. We were very pleased to see that the International Criminal Court wants to investigate these crimes.”

For his part, Professor Daddy Saleh believes that there is hope for peace in the region, particularly with the positions taken to secure Goma, but now is not the time for rhetoric but for action.

A team of ICRC volunteers organizing a funeral for those killed in the Goma attack. At least 3,000 people died during the fighting, according to the United Nations. Photo by Fidèle Kitsa, used with permission.

“The securing of Goma is good news, because Goma needs to be protected, with its millions of inhabitants and internally displaced people. It’s more than urgent because Goma is deprived of almost everything. The more time passes without action, the more problems there will be. This is the major resolution”, he says.

A team of ICRC volunteers organizing a funeral for those killed in the Goma attack. At least 3,000 people died during the fighting, according to the United Nations.

Keywords: DR Congo, DRC, Congo, Conflict, Goma, Kivu, M23, Congolese, Conflict Resolution, peace, summit, Tanzania, Dar Es Salaam

Will Cuts in Development Aid Hurt Peace Around the World? Peace at Risk as Aid and Development Budgets Fall

Experts warn that aid cuts by developed countries risk intensifying global instability and conflict.

It is not a good time for international aid and development. Germany’s most recent budget set out plans to dramatically slash aid and development spending, with the Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development suffering a budget cut of over $1 billion and humanitarian aid being halved. France slashed a similar amount from its aid budget in its third foreign aid cut in two years. Finland also decreased its official development assistance, following $1 billion cuts by The Netherlands and $282 million cut in Switzerland’s foreign aid. More broadly, the European Union’s member states agreed to a $2.1 billion cut in the bloc’s development budget.

This has only been compounded by the new Trump administration’s freeze on almost all foreign aid. The president has also pushed to dissolve the US Agency for International Development (USAID), with efforts underway to fold the independent humanitarian agency into the State Department. On February 4, the administration prepared for the withdrawal of all overseas USAID personnel, and that very evening agency staff received an email announcing that almost the entirety of them would be put on administrative leave. Later reporting indicated that only 611 USAID staff out of a total of over 13,000 would remain in their positions, although this plan was blocked by the courts on February 7.

Foreign policy and development experts have warned that the U.S.’ retreat from foreign aid in particular will have dramatic negative effects on peoples’ lives and peace across the world. Former President of Colombia Manuel Santos, who received the Nobel Peace Prize for his successful peace negotiations to put an end to decades of war with the FARC militia, told The Guardian, “I have seen the massive benefit these programmes funded by USAid have generated for people across the country. To cut it, suddenly, is going to have a terrible humanitarian effect.”

Michael Schiffer, who served as assistant administrator of the USAID Bureau for Asia under the Biden administration, told NBC News that the policy changes in Washington could erode U.S. national security and risk instability around the world, potentially influencing extremism and deepening migration crises.

The Alliance for Peacebuilding (AfP), a nonpartisan network of organizations working around the world to end violent conflict, has spent the administration’s first few weeks organizing a response to the aid freeze, as several of its member organizations had their US government funding put on hold or had funding requests declined. In an email sent to members on January 24, the organization said that it recognized that “this is a stressful moment for implementing members.”

On January 29, AfP and other organizations compiled draft talking points on the strategic value of peacebuilding programs. The draft, which Peace News has access to, lists ways in which the freeze has interrupted peacebuilding programming that promoted stability and prosperity around the world, and advanced U.S. national security, political, and economic interests amidst “strategic geopolitical power competition.” 

The talking points added that “while reform is the prerogative of any incoming Administration,” the “chaotic nature of the freeze and potential efforts to dissolve USAID is creating far more harm than good.”

The AfP said that projects to document war crimes, crimes against humanity, and genocide in Sudan had stopped, undermining justice and accountability, and that efforts to consult with and train women leaders to help end the country’s civil war had been suspended. Furthermore, the organization also said that the freeze paused a program aimed at helping Venezuelan migrants stay in neighboring South American countries by providing them with work training and housing.

The talking points also said that beyond the humanitarian and peacebuilding consequences of the administration’s policies, there was a risk that US leadership could be undermined, leaving a power vacuum for powers like China and Iran, who “actively try to undermine the U.S.”

On February 5, the AfP released a statement calling the administration’s foreign assistance freeze “a wrecking ball approach that takes away our ability to prevent war and reduce violence.” The statement warned of the potential spread of deadly illnesses, especially in war zones, and of growing violent extremism in the Sahel as conflict prevention assistance is cut down.

In an opinion piece for The Guardian, former British Prime Minister Gordon Brown remarked on how the dismantlement of USAID will contribute to the global aid crisis, saying, “The tragedy for the planet is that US aid cuts come on top of diminishing aid budgets among the world’s richest economies, from Germany to the UK. International aid agencies are now so underfunded that in 2024, for the second consecutive year, the UN covered less than half of its humanitarian funding goal of nearly $50bn – at a time when increasing conflicts and natural disasters necessitate more relief donor grants than ever.”

Peace News’ coverage has confirmed the important role that development and aid play in peacebuilding. In Yemen, humanitarian NGOs have taken on the responsibility of bridging the divide between the rival parties in the country’s civil war. NGOs have acted as intermediaries between the warring factions, and even helped negotiate a deal to provide water services in a city where control was split between rival authorities. This article’s author, Dr. Moosa Elaya, an Associate Professor in International Development and Conflict Studies at the Doha Institute for Graduate Studies in Qatar, noted that NGOs’ ability to undertake such bridging roles depended on “flexible and sustained funding from international donors.”

In a United States Institute of Peace event covered by Peace News, Gloria Steela, a former Acting Administrator for USAID, highlighted the ties between development issues, like food security and the climate crisis, and conflict. “We know today that 40 percent of global land has been degraded, making arable land more scarce and bringing about land conflicts, and this accounts for the long-term civil war in Nigeria, for example, and in many other places,” said Steele.

Dr. Andrea Warnecke, an Assistant Professor at the Institute for History and International Studies at Leiden University in the Netherlands, warned that humanitarian and development organizations may not always be the ideal peacebuilders. Their core goals of impartiality and neutrality can clash with the overtly political elements of peacebuilding, and the need to maintain working relations with host governments may hinder their capacity to engage in truly transformative peacebuilding interventions. 

Still, there is a consensus that foreign development aid has an important role to play within broader peacebuilding efforts, and that dramatic cuts in aid across the world during a time of widespread conflict risk undermining global peace. As Brown added in his Guardian op-ed, “We all gain if USAid can mitigate the spread of infectious diseases, prevent malnutrition in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Sudan, halt the upsurge of [the Islamic State] in Syria and support a fair, humanitarian reconstruction of Gaza and Ukraine.”

Keywords: aid, USAid, Trump, USA, US, Germany, peace, aid, foreign aid, development, international development, refugees, conflict

This Week in Peace #69: February 7

This week, amidst Israel and Gaza’s ceasefire, Trump’s statements raise concerns. Officials continue demolishing bunkers as part of peace plan for Pakistani district. M23 declares and immediately breaks ceasefire in DRC.

Amidst Israel and Gaza’s ceasefire, Trump’s statements raise concerns

The ceasefire between Israel and Gaza is continuing so far, with more hostages and Palestinian prisoners returning to their homes. On February 2, three Israeli hostages were exchanged for 183 Palestinian prisoners. 

Amidst the fragile ceasefire, US President Donald Trump has made statements that have raised concerns. At a press conference on February 4, Trump suggested that Gaza could become the “riviera of the Middle East” under US rule, and discussed relocating Gaza’s population. 

UN secretary general António Guterres said he planned to warn Trump against ethnic cleansing when addressing the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People later on Feb 5. UN spokesperson Stephane Dujarric said that Guterres would reaffirm commitment to the two-state solution, Straights Times reported.

Trump’s officials later suggested that any relocation would only be temporary.

Officials continue demolishing bunkers as part of peace plan for Pakistani district

As part of their attempts to enforce a peace agreement, officials in Pakistan’s Kurram district are continuing to demolish bunkers. Tribal News Network (TNN) reported on February 5 that over 30 bunkers had been destroyed in Lower Kurram, noting that government sources estimate that over 250 bunkers exist throughout the district.

The most recent wave of violence in Kurram began on November 21, when gunmen attacked a vehicle convoy and killed 52 people, mostly shias. Despite a peace deal reached on January 1 between Sunni and Shia tribes in Kurram, militants attacked an aid convoy in the district on January 16. Deputy Commissioner Shaukat Ali said that one soldier had been killed, and four others wounded in the attack, with three convoy vehicles damaged. After the attack on the aid convoy, there was a military-led operation to clear areas of the district of militants.

Since then, there has been slow progress at restoring stability to Kurram’s residents. A relief convoy of 61 vehicles reached Pakistan’s conflicted Kurram district on January 22, carrying flour, sugar, fruits, medicine, and vegetables.

The removal of the bunkers was a key clause in the agreement between the warring parties. 

M23 Declares and Immediately Breaks Ceasefire in DRC

The M23 rebel group in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) declared a unilateral humanitarian ceasefire in the country’s eastern region on February 3, with the ceasefire set to start February 4. But on February 5, reports had already emerged of the rebels breaking the ceasefire to launch a new offensive to seize a town in South Kivu province. 

Following the operation, DRC’s government spokesman Patrick Muyaya called the ceasefire a “ploy,” while speaking to AFP.

Since M23 captured Goma on January 27, nearly 3,000 people have been killed. Vivian van de Perre, deputy head of the UN mission in DR Congo, told media on February 5 that “We expect these numbers to go up.” Meanwhile, reports surfaced on February 5 of brutal sexual violence and killing of hundreds of women in a Goma prison.

On February 6, Peace News Network (PNN) published an on-the ground report interviewing the displaced victims of violence in Goma and eastern DRC, including photos of the devastation. To read our report by Anicet Kimonyo, click here

Keywords: Israel, Gaza, Palestine, Pakistan, Congo, DRC, ceasefire, hostages, Trump, conflict, conflict resolution, peace

The Forgotten Victims of the War in Goma and Eastern DRC

For several years, the war in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has plunged millions of people into extreme distress. In Goma and its surroundings, civilians are caught between deadly clashes, forced displacement, and a humanitarian crisis that continues to worsen. Entire families, deprived of their homes and livelihoods, wander in search of refuge, often without knowing what tomorrow will bring.

The refugee camps of Kanyaruchinya, Lushagala, and Bujari, located east of the city of Goma on the Goma-Rutshuru road, all located in and around Goma, which for more than three years have sheltered hundreds of thousands of people fleeing the war, are now empty. Yet, this mass departure does not signify the end of suffering for these displaced people, quite the contrary.

Théo Musekura, president of the sites for displaced people of Nyiragongo territory in North Kivu, speaks out about this troubling situation.

“These displaced people are gradually returning to their homes in the territories of Rutshuru, Nyiragongo and Masisi, areas occupied by the M23 rebellion, perhaps signaling a relative calm or changes in the dynamics of the war,” he told Peace News Network (PNN).

But this return is more like a constraint than a choice. In these areas under M23 control, living conditions are far from secure. Many find their homes destroyed, their gardens devastated, and their villages emptied of all economic activity.

Hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced in eastern DRC, photo by Anicet Kimonyo.

“We ask humanitarian organizations to keep supporting us even for six months with assistance in food and non-food items. This will allow us to be better prepared to resume farming activities. Many of us have lost our homes as a result of this war, this support will allow those returning to reorganize themselves,” implores Musekura.

But the response from humanitarian organizations remains insufficient given the scale of the disaster. Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) warn of the risk of worsening health and food crises, as these displaced people attempt to settle back into villages where everything has to be rebuilt.

Behind this humanitarian tragedy, accentuated by the war between belligerents in the densely populated city of Goma, lie thousands of individual stories, each marked by pain, fear and loss.

Hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced in eastern DRC, photo by Anicet Kimonyo.

Héritier, who is using a pseudonym, displaced from Rutshuru in 2023, explains how the war shattered his life and destroyed his prospects for the future.

“I came to Goma in 2023. Here, I work in the transport sector, mainly as an aviation broker. War is a terrible thing because many people have lost almost everything. I am now unemployed and without occupation, being a father of a child, and I even host my little brother at my place. I no longer know how to provide for the daily needs of my household, all activities being suspended at the airport. I am just a tenant, my younger brother is a student  ̶ who is going to pay his academic fees? So, war is not a good thing. Now, we leave everything in the hands of the Almighty. I cannot learn to fly now when I have never done so in my life. I recommend that the authorities engage in dialogue [Alliance Fleuve Congo and DRC], because we only need peace so that everyone goes freely and peacefully about their activities,” he explained with deep regret.

The despair is even greater among women, who must not only ensure their own survival, but also that of their children. Bunawage Buterezi, a displaced woman, recounts her endless wandering in the hope of finding shelter.

“When we came from home, we were settled in a camp on the outskirts of Goma, then we were taken to the Lushagala camp, east of the tourist town. Then, when we arrived there, we found that all the shelters had been destroyed, now we have nowhere to stay. This is a very painful situation. Every day, I walk around with my belongings and those of my family on my back without knowing where to settle down. Honestly, we have no peace, and it pains me. All we can ask is that the leaders think about how to end the war so that we can return home and resume our previous activities,” she says, with a baby on her chest and her belongings on her head.

Her story illustrates the double burden faced by these displaced people: After fleeing war, they must now face not only indifference and abandonment but also life after war in a city like Goma, that was once considered the last hope from where humanitarian organizations organized assistance operations to displaced people in the camps around the city.

Hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced in eastern DRC, photo by Anicet Kimonyo.

Between dying of hunger with a family of nine children and desperately returning to her village to start an unknown life, Mkesha made her choice.

“I decided today to return home because I cannot live here without assistance. We were informed that during the war in the city of Goma, the food supplies from the World Food Program were looted. I am going home with my tarpaulin, I will start life from scratch there, because my house was destroyed by the rebels, but I have no choice but to return instead of starving here. Yes, there is still no security in my village, but I am going back anyway,” Mkesha said.

The despair of the most vulnerable

For the elderly, war is even more cruel. Sanvura Mawazo, an elderly man displaced for a year, expresses his tiredness from a life marked by suffering. After twelve months of hardship, this grandfather also decided to return home.

“I decided to return home because I have suffered greatly here. I have had to spend days and entire nights without putting anything in my mouth, which was very difficult for someone of my age,” he testifies as he prepares to take his place on board the first truck heading towards RUMANGABO, in the territory of RUTSHURU, his village of origin.

In this context, the question of supporting elderly displaced people becomes a humanitarian emergency. Many of them are unable to provide for their needs and find themselves abandoned in terrible living conditions.

Hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced in eastern DRC, photo by Anicet Kimonyo.

Justin Bikalo, displaced from Kibirizi, in Bwito, illustrates this uncertainty that has long hovered over their future in the camp.

“I am a war-displaced person and I lived in the Kanyaruchinya camp. All the shelters that were here were destroyed following the war that reached the city of Goma. When the clashes between the FARDC and the M23 elements arrived here, no one could resist. This is why people fled, some even lost their lives, and we were therefore scattered. Others returned to destroy our camp and steal tarpaulins.

Since I arrived here in Goma, because of the war, I have not been able to engage in any activity. I was just fleeing from the hostilities in my place of origin, I was a war displaced person; it was difficult for me to undertake anything. In Goma, I took refuge in host families, and now, my only desire is to return home, but I lack everything, even the means to go back home, to Kibirizi,” he confides.

Between indifference and unfulfilled promises of peace

As Congolese authorities and the international community express their commitment to restoring peace, the war-displaced individuals of North Kivu continue to suffer in the shadows. Humanitarian aid is insufficient, destroyed infrastructure remains unreconstructed, and violence persists in many areas where these populations attempt to return.

The intensification of fighting right into the city of Goma has worsened the situation which was already critical. 85% of the displaced people, who once lived around Goma, have poured into the city which was already asphyxiated by the elements of the M23, supported by Rwanda, according to reports by UN experts.

As soon as the city of Goma was taken, voices were raised internationally to condemn this progression of the M23.

The Humanitarian Coordinator in the DRC, Bruno Lemarquis, in a press release, insisted and called on the entire international community to mobilize for a humanitarian corridor to provide urgent humanitarian assistance to the displaced and populations of Goma.

While some member countries of the international community hesitate to condemn this rebellion that has knocked out the humanitarian situation in the region, others, on the other hand, condemn without hesitation.

“It is possible that we can reach a resolution. There is no military solution to this conflict. Peace talks are therefore the only way out. And we also believe that the territorial integrity of the DRC must be respected, that is why we demand the withdrawal of the M23 and Rwandan military troops from the territories they have occupied,” said Fu Cong, China’s ambassador to the UN.

Hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced in eastern DRC, photo by Anicet Kimonyo.

Three years later, the military solution has shown its limits and its inadequacy to restore peace in the East of the Democratic Republic of Congo.

In December 2024, Kinshasa was on the verge of reaching an agreement with Rwanda before, on the eve of these efforts, it fell apart, following disagreements between Kigali and Kinshasa.

Kinshasa has refused to have dialogues directly with M23 rebels, and continues to set a red line. President Félix Tshisekedi says he is open to dialogue with the M23 rebels, as with other armed groups, following the Nairobi process, which remains focused on demobilizing armed groups.

Kinshasa remains firm in its position and does not intend to give a blank check to the M23 rebels, whom it accuses of multiple serious violations.

The testimonies of victims remind us of a brutal reality: this war is not just a military confrontation; it is a human tragedy that shatters entire families and leaves behind a distressed people. As long as concrete solutions are not put in place, the torment of the displaced individuals of North Kivu will continue in  a deafening silence.

Hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced in eastern DRC, photo by Anicet Kimonyo.

Keywords: DRC, Goma, conflict, victims, congo, M23

Two Women, One Mission: How Judith Obina Okumu and Nora Anek Helped Bring Peace to Northern Uganda

In this second part of our series, we bring you Judith Obina Okumu’s life inside the jungle with the Lords Resistance Army (LRA). There, she spent 14 days with Joseph Kony, the LRA’s leader, in a hideout in Ri-kwamba in 2007, which also marked the last gunshot and bloodshed in Northern Uganda.

How Two Women Confronted Joseph Kony to End a Brutal War
In the jungles between South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo, where violence and fear once reigned, a courageous woman’s mission helped pave the way for lasting peace in Northern Uganda. Judith Obina Okumu’s extraordinary journey into the heart of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) territory in 2007 is a testament to the power of dialogue, resilience, and the unyielding hope of women in conflict resolution. This is the story of how a young woman and a grieving mother confronted Joseph Kony and ended a brutal war that had torn apart Uganda for two decades.

The Courageous Mission
It all began with a request from Nora Anek Oting, the mother of Joseph Kony, leader of the infamous LRA. Nora had longed to reunite with her son, and President Yoweri Museveni saw an opportunity for peace. At only 21 years old, Judith was entrusted with an incredible responsibility: to take Nora to meet Kony in his remote jungle hideout. For Judith, this was not just a diplomatic mission; it was a chance to end the unimaginable suffering caused by the LRA’s reign of terror.

Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, who tasked Obina to care for Kony’s mother, photo via Wikipedia.

“I was terrified at first,” Judith told Peace News Network (PNN). “I tried to hide from the responsibility, but in my culture, when an elder calls you to serve, you must obey. I could not say no.” Judith’s decision to take on this perilous mission would soon become a turning point in the history of Uganda’s peace process.

A Journey into the Heart of Darkness
Judith’s journey began in Mukono, Uganda, where she picked up Nora and other members of her family. From there, they traveled to Entebbe International Airport and then to Juba, the capital of South Sudan, aboard Eagle Air. After boarding a helicopter, they flew to the dense jungles that hid Kony and his army, a dangerous terrain where few dared to tread. “As we approached Kony’s hideout, I could feel the weight of history on my shoulders. We were walking into the heart of one of Africa’s most brutal conflicts,” Judith reflects.

The moment they arrived, Judith’s fear escalated. “Halfway into our journey, we received information that Kony was coming toward us. I was shaking with fear,” she says. However, upon meeting Kony, Judith witnessed something that would change her perspective forever: a deeply emotional reunion between Kony and his mother. “When Kony saw his mother, I saw tears in his eyes. It was not tears of sorrow, but of joy. He said to her, ‘Mego I bino?’ ‘Mother, you’ve come?’” Judith explains. This powerful moment of vulnerability gave Judith the strength and courage to continue, believing that even someone as feared as Kony was still capable of change.

Inside the LRA Camp: Peace Talks and Strategic Dialogue
Judith’s team spent 14 days in the LRA camp, where the group engaged in intense discussions about forgiveness, reconciliation, and the possibility of an end to the war and seeing permanent peace. Among the members of the delegation was the current Uganda Chief Justice, Hon. Justice Alfonse Chigamoy Owiny-Dollo, who was tasked with explaining the role of the International Criminal Court (ICC) to Kony and his men. His legal expertise was invaluable in helping Kony understand the potential consequences of his actions.

Additionally, Lt. Col. Walter Ochora, who was the Gulu Resident District Commissioner (RIP) and a former rebel commander who had once been part of the Uganda People’s Democratic Army (UPDA), also played a crucial role. Ochora’s experience as both a former rebel and a peacebuilder made him an important figure in the discussions. His presence reassured Kony that peace was possible, even for those who had once waged war against Uganda’s government.

Despite the challenges, Judith and her team remained committed to their mission. “We knew that every conversation could bring us closer to ending the suffering of millions,” Judith recalls. “Even though we were surrounded by fear, we had to believe that peace was within reach.”

The Turning Point: A Conversation with Kony
After nine days of negotiations, a key moment arrived. President Museveni’s team arranged for a phone conversation with Kony. However, Kony refused to speak directly to the president, instead asking his second-in-command, Vincent Otti, to take his place. Judith tried to persuade Kony to speak directly with the president, but he refused. After the phone conversation, Judith’s team had hopes of traveling back to Uganda, but shockingly, Nora changed her mind and said she wanted to spend more days with her son, and that was how their stay in the jungle was extended to 14 days.

It was within the 14 days that a breakthrough came when Kony’s mother, Nora, spoke to her son about ending the war. “She told him to stop the killings and return home. She pleaded with him to consider the future and the suffering of the people,” Judith recalls. For Judith, it was a moment of clarity. Nora’s words were not just a plea from a mother to her son, but a call for humanity to prevail over violence.

The Final Message: A Promise of Peace
As the 14-day mission drew to a close, Judith’s team prepared to leave. But just before they departed, Kony delivered a message to President Museveni. “He thanked the president for taking care of his family,” Judith says. “He told me to thank the president for sending his mother to visit him, thank the president for taking care of my mother, thank the president for taking care of my children, and thank the president for burying his father and for all the help. Most importantly, he said that he would never step foot in Uganda again to fight, kill, or abduct, and this is true. Some of the witnesses who traveled with us can attest, and to prove this, our visit marked the end of gunshots and bloodshed in Northern Uganda.” Kony’s promise marked the beginning of a new chapter for Northern Uganda, one that would gradually lead to the disbandment of the LRA.

The Legacy of Two Women Mediators
Judith Obina Okumu’s role as a mediator was important in the peace process, but she was not alone. Together with Nora, who courageously spoke to her son about ending the violence, and Betty Bigombe, who had long worked for peace in her former roles as a peace mediator and government minister, Judith helped strengthen the foundation for reconciliation that Bigombe and other peacemakers had built in Northern Uganda. These women, along with countless others, proved that women can be powerful agents of peace, even in the most difficult and dangerous of circumstances.

Ms. Betty Bigombe Oyella spearheaded peace talks between the LRA rebels and the Ugandan government, photo via Bigombe’s Facebook page.

Today, Northern Uganda is slowly rebuilding, free from the shadow of the LRA’s terror. The story of Judith and the other women who played a crucial role in ending the war serves as an inspiring reminder of the power of dialogue, empathy, and determination. Judith’s bravery and unwavering belief in peace have given hope for conflict resolution worldwide.

Judith’s story is now immortalized in her book 14 Days with Kony: The Hidden Heroes, where she reflects on the journey and honors the people and organizations that played a role in bringing peace to Northern Uganda. It’s a story that deserves to be heard, not just as a historical account, but as a powerful example of how individuals can make a difference in the pursuit of peace.

The women who brought an end to one of Africa’s longest-running conflicts have proven that even in the face of unimaginable fear and violence, hope and peace can prevail. Their courage, resilience, and unwavering commitment to a brighter future remain a beacon of inspiration for the world.

Keywords: Joseph Kony, Kony, Uganda, Northern Uganda, Judith Obina, Nora Anek, Betty Bigombe, women, women in peacebuilding, Ugandan women