This week, amidst Israel and Gaza’s ceasefire, Trump’s statements raise concerns. Officials continue demolishing bunkers as part of peace plan for Pakistani district. M23 declares and immediately breaks ceasefire in DRC.
Amidst Israel and Gaza’s ceasefire, Trump’s statements raise concerns
The ceasefire between Israel and Gaza is continuing so far, with more hostages and Palestinian prisoners returning to their homes. On February 2, three Israeli hostages were exchanged for 183 Palestinian prisoners.
Amidst the fragile ceasefire, US President Donald Trump has made statements that have raised concerns. At a press conference on February 4, Trump suggested that Gaza could become the “riviera of the Middle East” under US rule, and discussed relocating Gaza’s population.
UN secretary general António Guterres said he planned to warn Trump against ethnic cleansing when addressing the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People later on Feb 5. UN spokesperson Stephane Dujarric said that Guterres would reaffirm commitment to the two-state solution, Straights Times reported.
Trump’s officials later suggested that any relocation would only be temporary.
Officials continue demolishing bunkers as part of peace plan for Pakistani district
As part of their attempts to enforce a peace agreement, officials in Pakistan’s Kurram district are continuing to demolish bunkers. Tribal News Network (TNN) reported on February 5 that over 30 bunkers had been destroyed in Lower Kurram, noting that government sources estimate that over 250 bunkers exist throughout the district.
The most recent wave of violence in Kurram began on November 21, when gunmen attacked a vehicle convoy and killed 52 people, mostly shias. Despite a peace deal reached on January 1 between Sunni and Shia tribes in Kurram, militants attacked an aid convoy in the district on January 16. Deputy Commissioner Shaukat Ali said that one soldier had been killed, and four others wounded in the attack, with three convoy vehicles damaged. After the attack on the aid convoy, there was a military-led operation to clear areas of the district of militants.
Since then, there has been slow progress at restoring stability to Kurram’s residents. A relief convoy of 61 vehicles reached Pakistan’s conflicted Kurram district on January 22, carrying flour, sugar, fruits, medicine, and vegetables.
The removal of the bunkers was a key clause in the agreement between the warring parties.
M23 Declares and Immediately Breaks Ceasefire in DRC
The M23 rebel group in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) declared a unilateral humanitarian ceasefire in the country’s eastern region on February 3, with the ceasefire set to start February 4. But on February 5, reports had already emerged of the rebels breaking the ceasefire to launch a new offensive to seize a town in South Kivu province.
Following the operation, DRC’s government spokesman Patrick Muyaya called the ceasefire a “ploy,” while speaking to AFP.
Since M23 captured Goma on January 27, nearly 3,000 people have been killed. Vivian van de Perre, deputy head of the UN mission in DR Congo, told media on February 5 that “We expect these numbers to go up.” Meanwhile, reports surfaced on February 5 of brutal sexual violence and killing of hundreds of women in a Goma prison.
On February 6, Peace News Network (PNN) published an on-the ground report interviewing the displaced victims of violence in Goma and eastern DRC, including photos of the devastation. To read our report by Anicet Kimonyo, click here.
For several years, the war in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has plunged millions of people into extreme distress. In Goma and its surroundings, civilians are caught between deadly clashes, forced displacement, and a humanitarian crisis that continues to worsen. Entire families, deprived of their homes and livelihoods, wander in search of refuge, often without knowing what tomorrow will bring.
The refugee camps of Kanyaruchinya, Lushagala, and Bujari, located east of the city of Goma on the Goma-Rutshuru road, all located in and around Goma, which for more than three years have sheltered hundreds of thousands of people fleeing the war, are now empty. Yet, this mass departure does not signify the end of suffering for these displaced people, quite the contrary.
Théo Musekura, president of the sites for displaced people of Nyiragongo territory in North Kivu, speaks out about this troubling situation.
“These displaced people are gradually returning to their homes in the territories of Rutshuru, Nyiragongo and Masisi, areas occupied by the M23 rebellion, perhaps signaling a relative calm or changes in the dynamics of the war,” he told Peace News Network (PNN).
But this return is more like a constraint than a choice. In these areas under M23 control, living conditions are far from secure. Many find their homes destroyed, their gardens devastated, and their villages emptied of all economic activity.
Hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced in eastern DRC, photo by Anicet Kimonyo.
“We ask humanitarian organizations to keep supporting us even for six months with assistance in food and non-food items. This will allow us to be better prepared to resume farming activities. Many of us have lost our homes as a result of this war, this support will allow those returning to reorganize themselves,” implores Musekura.
But the response from humanitarian organizations remains insufficient given the scale of the disaster. Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) and the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) warn of the risk of worsening health and food crises, as these displaced people attempt to settle back into villages where everything has to be rebuilt.
Behind this humanitarian tragedy, accentuated by the war between belligerents in the densely populated city of Goma, lie thousands of individual stories, each marked by pain, fear and loss.
Hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced in eastern DRC, photo by Anicet Kimonyo.
Héritier, who is using a pseudonym, displaced from Rutshuru in 2023, explains how the war shattered his life and destroyed his prospects for the future.
“I came to Goma in 2023. Here, I work in the transport sector, mainly as an aviation broker. War is a terrible thing because many people have lost almost everything. I am now unemployed and without occupation, being a father of a child, and I even host my little brother at my place. I no longer know how to provide for the daily needs of my household, all activities being suspended at the airport. I am just a tenant, my younger brother is a student ̶ who is going to pay his academic fees? So, war is not a good thing. Now, we leave everything in the hands of the Almighty. I cannot learn to fly now when I have never done so in my life. I recommend that the authorities engage in dialogue [Alliance Fleuve Congo and DRC], because we only need peace so that everyone goes freely and peacefully about their activities,” he explained with deep regret.
The despair is even greater among women, who must not only ensure their own survival, but also that of their children. Bunawage Buterezi, a displaced woman, recounts her endless wandering in the hope of finding shelter.
“When we came from home, we were settled in a camp on the outskirts of Goma, then we were taken to the Lushagala camp, east of the tourist town. Then, when we arrived there, we found that all the shelters had been destroyed, now we have nowhere to stay. This is a very painful situation. Every day, I walk around with my belongings and those of my family on my back without knowing where to settle down. Honestly, we have no peace, and it pains me. All we can ask is that the leaders think about how to end the war so that we can return home and resume our previous activities,” she says, with a baby on her chest and her belongings on her head.
Her story illustrates the double burden faced by these displaced people: After fleeing war, they must now face not only indifference and abandonment but also life after war in a city like Goma, that was once considered the last hope from where humanitarian organizations organized assistance operations to displaced people in the camps around the city.
Hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced in eastern DRC, photo by Anicet Kimonyo.
Between dying of hunger with a family of nine children and desperately returning to her village to start an unknown life, Mkesha made her choice.
“I decided today to return home because I cannot live here without assistance. We were informed that during the war in the city of Goma, the food supplies from the World Food Program were looted. I am going home with my tarpaulin, I will start life from scratch there, because my house was destroyed by the rebels, but I have no choice but to return instead of starving here. Yes, there is still no security in my village, but I am going back anyway,” Mkesha said.
The despair of the most vulnerable
For the elderly, war is even more cruel. Sanvura Mawazo, an elderly man displaced for a year, expresses his tiredness from a life marked by suffering. After twelve months of hardship, this grandfather also decided to return home.
“I decided to return home because I have suffered greatly here. I have had to spend days and entire nights without putting anything in my mouth, which was very difficult for someone of my age,” he testifies as he prepares to take his place on board the first truck heading towards RUMANGABO, in the territory of RUTSHURU, his village of origin.
In this context, the question of supporting elderly displaced people becomes a humanitarian emergency. Many of them are unable to provide for their needs and find themselves abandoned in terrible living conditions.
Hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced in eastern DRC, photo by Anicet Kimonyo.
Justin Bikalo, displaced from Kibirizi, in Bwito, illustrates this uncertainty that has long hovered over their future in the camp.
“I am a war-displaced person and I lived in the Kanyaruchinya camp. All the shelters that were here were destroyed following the war that reached the city of Goma. When the clashes between the FARDC and the M23 elements arrived here, no one could resist. This is why people fled, some even lost their lives, and we were therefore scattered. Others returned to destroy our camp and steal tarpaulins.
Since I arrived here in Goma, because of the war, I have not been able to engage in any activity. I was just fleeing from the hostilities in my place of origin, I was a war displaced person; it was difficult for me to undertake anything. In Goma, I took refuge in host families, and now, my only desire is to return home, but I lack everything, even the means to go back home, to Kibirizi,” he confides.
Between indifference and unfulfilled promises of peace
As Congolese authorities and the international community express their commitment to restoring peace, the war-displaced individuals of North Kivu continue to suffer in the shadows. Humanitarian aid is insufficient, destroyed infrastructure remains unreconstructed, and violence persists in many areas where these populations attempt to return.
The intensification of fighting right into the city of Goma has worsened the situation which was already critical. 85% of the displaced people, who once lived around Goma, have poured into the city which was already asphyxiated by the elements of the M23, supported by Rwanda, according to reports by UN experts.
As soon as the city of Goma was taken, voices were raised internationally to condemn this progression of the M23.
The Humanitarian Coordinator in the DRC, Bruno Lemarquis, in a press release, insisted and called on the entire international community to mobilize for a humanitarian corridor to provide urgent humanitarian assistance to the displaced and populations of Goma.
While some member countries of the international community hesitate to condemn this rebellion that has knocked out the humanitarian situation in the region, others, on the other hand, condemn without hesitation.
“It is possible that we can reach a resolution. There is no military solution to this conflict. Peace talks are therefore the only way out. And we also believe that the territorial integrity of the DRC must be respected, that is why we demand the withdrawal of the M23 and Rwandan military troops from the territories they have occupied,” said Fu Cong, China’s ambassador to the UN.
Hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced in eastern DRC, photo by Anicet Kimonyo.
Three years later, the military solution has shown its limits and its inadequacy to restore peace in the East of the Democratic Republic of Congo.
In December 2024, Kinshasa was on the verge of reaching an agreement with Rwanda before, on the eve of these efforts, it fell apart, following disagreements between Kigali and Kinshasa.
Kinshasa has refused to have dialogues directly with M23 rebels, and continues to set a red line. President Félix Tshisekedi says he is open to dialogue with the M23 rebels, as with other armed groups, following the Nairobi process, which remains focused on demobilizing armed groups.
Kinshasa remains firm in its position and does not intend to give a blank check to the M23 rebels, whom it accuses of multiple serious violations.
The testimonies of victims remind us of a brutal reality: this war is not just a military confrontation; it is a human tragedy that shatters entire families and leaves behind a distressed people. As long as concrete solutions are not put in place, the torment of the displaced individuals of North Kivu will continue in a deafening silence.
Hundreds of thousands of people have been displaced in eastern DRC, photo by Anicet Kimonyo.
In this second part of our series, we bring you Judith Obina Okumu’s life inside the jungle with the Lords Resistance Army (LRA). There, she spent 14 days with Joseph Kony, the LRA’s leader, in a hideout in Ri-kwamba in 2007, which also marked the last gunshot and bloodshed in Northern Uganda.
How Two Women Confronted Joseph Kony to End a Brutal War In the jungles between South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo, where violence and fear once reigned, a courageous woman’s mission helped pave the way for lasting peace in Northern Uganda. Judith Obina Okumu’s extraordinary journey into the heart of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) territory in 2007 is a testament to the power of dialogue, resilience, and the unyielding hope of women in conflict resolution. This is the story of how a young woman and a grieving mother confronted Joseph Kony and ended a brutal war that had torn apart Uganda for two decades.
The Courageous Mission It all began with a request from Nora Anek Oting, the mother of Joseph Kony, leader of the infamous LRA. Nora had longed to reunite with her son, and President Yoweri Museveni saw an opportunity for peace. At only 21 years old, Judith was entrusted with an incredible responsibility: to take Nora to meet Kony in his remote jungle hideout. For Judith, this was not just a diplomatic mission; it was a chance to end the unimaginable suffering caused by the LRA’s reign of terror.
Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, who tasked Obina to care for Kony’s mother, photo via Wikipedia.
“I was terrified at first,” Judith told Peace News Network (PNN). “I tried to hide from the responsibility, but in my culture, when an elder calls you to serve, you must obey. I could not say no.” Judith’s decision to take on this perilous mission would soon become a turning point in the history of Uganda’s peace process.
A Journey into the Heart of Darkness Judith’s journey began in Mukono, Uganda, where she picked up Nora and other members of her family. From there, they traveled to Entebbe International Airport and then to Juba, the capital of South Sudan, aboard Eagle Air. After boarding a helicopter, they flew to the dense jungles that hid Kony and his army, a dangerous terrain where few dared to tread. “As we approached Kony’s hideout, I could feel the weight of history on my shoulders. We were walking into the heart of one of Africa’s most brutal conflicts,” Judith reflects.
The moment they arrived, Judith’s fear escalated. “Halfway into our journey, we received information that Kony was coming toward us. I was shaking with fear,” she says. However, upon meeting Kony, Judith witnessed something that would change her perspective forever: a deeply emotional reunion between Kony and his mother. “When Kony saw his mother, I saw tears in his eyes. It was not tears of sorrow, but of joy. He said to her, ‘Mego I bino?’ ‘Mother, you’ve come?’” Judith explains. This powerful moment of vulnerability gave Judith the strength and courage to continue, believing that even someone as feared as Kony was still capable of change.
Inside the LRA Camp: Peace Talks and Strategic Dialogue Judith’s team spent 14 days in the LRA camp, where the group engaged in intense discussions about forgiveness, reconciliation, and the possibility of an end to the war and seeing permanent peace. Among the members of the delegation was the current Uganda Chief Justice, Hon. Justice Alfonse Chigamoy Owiny-Dollo, who was tasked with explaining the role of the International Criminal Court (ICC) to Kony and his men. His legal expertise was invaluable in helping Kony understand the potential consequences of his actions.
Additionally, Lt. Col. Walter Ochora, who was the Gulu Resident District Commissioner (RIP) and a former rebel commander who had once been part of the Uganda People’s Democratic Army (UPDA), also played a crucial role. Ochora’s experience as both a former rebel and a peacebuilder made him an important figure in the discussions. His presence reassured Kony that peace was possible, even for those who had once waged war against Uganda’s government.
Despite the challenges, Judith and her team remained committed to their mission. “We knew that every conversation could bring us closer to ending the suffering of millions,” Judith recalls. “Even though we were surrounded by fear, we had to believe that peace was within reach.”
The Turning Point: A Conversation with Kony After nine days of negotiations, a key moment arrived. President Museveni’s team arranged for a phone conversation with Kony. However, Kony refused to speak directly to the president, instead asking his second-in-command, Vincent Otti, to take his place. Judith tried to persuade Kony to speak directly with the president, but he refused. After the phone conversation, Judith’s team had hopes of traveling back to Uganda, but shockingly, Nora changed her mind and said she wanted to spend more days with her son, and that was how their stay in the jungle was extended to 14 days.
It was within the 14 days that a breakthrough came when Kony’s mother, Nora, spoke to her son about ending the war. “She told him to stop the killings and return home. She pleaded with him to consider the future and the suffering of the people,” Judith recalls. For Judith, it was a moment of clarity. Nora’s words were not just a plea from a mother to her son, but a call for humanity to prevail over violence.
The Final Message: A Promise of Peace As the 14-day mission drew to a close, Judith’s team prepared to leave. But just before they departed, Kony delivered a message to President Museveni. “He thanked the president for taking care of his family,” Judith says. “He told me to thank the president for sending his mother to visit him, thank the president for taking care of my mother, thank the president for taking care of my children, and thank the president for burying his father and for all the help. Most importantly, he said that he would never step foot in Uganda again to fight, kill, or abduct, and this is true. Some of the witnesses who traveled with us can attest, and to prove this, our visit marked the end of gunshots and bloodshed in Northern Uganda.” Kony’s promise marked the beginning of a new chapter for Northern Uganda, one that would gradually lead to the disbandment of the LRA.
The Legacy of Two Women Mediators Judith Obina Okumu’s role as a mediator was important in the peace process, but she was not alone. Together with Nora, who courageously spoke to her son about ending the violence, and Betty Bigombe, who had long worked for peace in her former roles as a peace mediator and government minister, Judith helped strengthen the foundation for reconciliation that Bigombe and other peacemakers had built in Northern Uganda. These women, along with countless others, proved that women can be powerful agents of peace, even in the most difficult and dangerous of circumstances.
Ms. Betty Bigombe Oyella spearheaded peace talks between the LRA rebels and the Ugandan government, photo via Bigombe’s Facebook page.
Today, Northern Uganda is slowly rebuilding, free from the shadow of the LRA’s terror. The story of Judith and the other women who played a crucial role in ending the war serves as an inspiring reminder of the power of dialogue, empathy, and determination. Judith’s bravery and unwavering belief in peace have given hope for conflict resolution worldwide.
Judith’s story is now immortalized in her book 14 Days with Kony: The Hidden Heroes, where she reflects on the journey and honors the people and organizations that played a role in bringing peace to Northern Uganda. It’s a story that deserves to be heard, not just as a historical account, but as a powerful example of how individuals can make a difference in the pursuit of peace.
The women who brought an end to one of Africa’s longest-running conflicts have proven that even in the face of unimaginable fear and violence, hope and peace can prevail. Their courage, resilience, and unwavering commitment to a brighter future remain a beacon of inspiration for the world.
Keywords: Joseph Kony, Kony, Uganda, Northern Uganda, Judith Obina, Nora Anek, Betty Bigombe, women, women in peacebuilding, Ugandan women
The Central African Republic (CAR) has been marked by a tumultuous and unstable trajectory since gaining independence in 1960. The CAR population has long had the unquenched thirst to know the truth about the legacies of human rights abuses perpetrated in the numerous coups and enduring cycles of violence in the country. To come to terms with historical injustices and atrocities, the country has integrated truth-seeking in its transitional justice process. The first truth-seeking attempt in the CAR came in 2003 after two decades of successive politico-military violence between 1995 and 2003, with the establishment of a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC). The second and most recent structure, the Truth, Justice, Reparation, and Reconciliation Commission (TJRRC), was created in 2020.
The 2003 TRC was created by President Francois Bozize, after a violent conflict from 2001 to 2003 between an offshoot of the Central African forces loyal to President Felix Ange-Patasse and the other faction supporting his chief of staff, Bozize. Both protagonists received foreign assistance and the hostilities resulted in indiscriminate and extrajudicial killings, sexual violence, pillaging, and the forced displacement of tens of thousands of civilians.
The 2003 TRC, a product of a national concertation organised under pressure from the international community, was mandated to: establish an account of specific facts that plagued the Central African society from the 1960s till 2003; contribute to outlining the story of the country and the contested acts of the government or the opposition; contribute to the revealing of the truth necessary to improve practices in matters of human rights on one hand, and implementing a veritable reform on the other; and promote understanding and true national reconciliation. The TRC interviewed eight personalities, including David Dacko, a former President, and recommended solutions to the problems discovered.
The 2003 TRC had an inadequate mandate and encountered resource constraints, political intrusion, and distrust by the population, stopping it from offering comprehensive information on the country’s intricate and multi-layered conflicts. By 2008, the CAR, faced with a deteriorating social fabric, organised a 10-day inclusive political dialogue between the government, the opposition, rebel groups, and civil society. The dialogue aimed to halt violence in the country and to create a Truth and Reconciliation Commission to reconcile Central Africans based on historical truth, a goal never achieved until violence resurfaced in the CAR in December 2012, leading to a coup in March 2013.
The Seleka rebellion that erupted in December 2012 and the ineffectiveness of the 2003 TRC results reignited the desire for truth-seeking in the CAR. As part of the political solutions to the CAR conflict, the Khartoum peace agreement of 2019 between the CAR government and 14 armed groups emphasised the need to intensify the establishment of a truth commission in the CAR. The TJRRC was created by Law No. 20-009 of April 7, 2020, to investigate and establish the truth, and allocate responsibility for the violence in the CAR between March 29, 1959, and December 31, 2019. The commission’s mandate includes the establishment of truth, the search for justice, the restoration of victims’ dignity, and national reconciliation. The TJRRC, with a four-year mandate, began work in 2021. By 2024, it had interviewed only about 12 community leaders. On May 3, 2024, security forces sealed the TJRRC’s head office after the government suspended its members through the decree of May 7, 2024, and made a call for candidates for new commissioners.
The CAR’s truth-seeking processes have been hampered by a lack of political will, inadequate resources, political constraints and interference, and security threats. The various truth-seeking attempts in the CAR have encountered substantial impediments in performing their fact-finding and truth-telling mandates. Truth Commissioners lack independence and resources, and are politically controlled. President Bozizi restricted the 2003 TRC from investigating atrocities perpetrated by forces loyal to him, and he also failed to implement the Commission’s recommendations. This lack of political will has persisted since TJRRC was established in 2020, with the government failing to adopt a favourable administrative and legal framework, allocating inadequate resources, and violating the law to interfere in the affairs of the TJRRC.
Also, persistent insecurity limits truth-seeking actors from accessing conflict-affected areas, while inadequate victim protection mechanisms prevent victims from testifying. The CAR’s truth-seeking process demonstrates the obstacles to launching an effective transitional justice strategy during enduring conflict and weak state capacity. Without suitable political, institutional, financial, and security backing, the truth-seeking processes have failed to achieve their essential task of uncovering the truth about the legacies of atrocities. This case emphasises the need for truth-seeking supported by inclusive institutional mechanisms and political commitment. As its mandate draws to an end, the TJRRC’s success substantially depends on its potential to override the challenges that undermined the 2003 TRC, such as political will on the part of the government, securing sufficient resources, ensuring political independence, and building public trust and popular participation.
Keywords: Central African Republic, truth-seeking, sexual violence, war crimes, conflict, peace and conflict, conflict resolution, truth
Radio Okapi (RO) was established in 2002 with the goal of supporting the peacekeeping mission known as the United Nations Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO). The station was established near the end of two major wars in the DRC in 1996/97 and 1998-2003, which together caused over 5 million deaths in the DRC.
RO sought to inform the public and contribute to peacebuilding through accurate and balanced reporting. RO reports in French and operates across various local languages to reach out to different socio-economic groups, especially in rural areas where radio remains the most accessible form of media.
On February 25 2022, Radio Okapi celebrated its 20th anniversary. The station is considered a success by the UN, and acknowledged for its “journalistic know-how, prestige, and its credibility.” Also, because of its 42 FM transmitters, it is widely heard across the DRC, with weekly listenership estimated at 24 million.
Listeners are generally well informed by the station and understand the station’s mandate, according to a recent survey. As journalist Kifinda Ngoy states, “The Congolese population is well informed, the country reunified by the same information [of Radio Okapi] and the mandate of MONUSCO well understood.”
Despite its success, Radio Okapi has been found to engage in traditional conflict news reporting, according to a recent study on its online newspapers, versus peace and conflict-sensitive journalism.
Like most traditional new coverage of conflicts, the study found that the station heavily relies on state and military sources. Journalism that promotes peace, ideally, should represent a more diverse set of voices, including peacebuilders and ordinary civilians.
Secondly, the study found that RO presents violent events in an isolated manner without contextualizing deeper historical and political settings. This can limit the readers’ understanding of the complex socio-political landscape and the suggested path to resolution for decision-makers.
Thirdly, the study argues that RO portrays local armed groups differently based on their ethnic affiliation and stereotypes different groups in the conflict.This approach can reinforce ethnic biases instead of challenging them to promote reconciliation through common identities (such as national or human-centred ones). In DRC, for example, the Banyamulenge are largely presented as non-native and hence foreigners, while the Babembe, Banyindu, Bafuliro, and Bavira are presented as native and hence entitled to certain rights.
To improve RO coverage and make it a stronger force for peace, more effort can be put towards diversifying sources of information beyond military officers and/or state officials to include perspectives from victims and civil society as well as experts’ knowledge. This could contribute to more nuanced reporting and give voice to victims and civilians. Moreover, RO could broaden its representation of violence to include non–physical violence that sometimes affect marginalised civilians in Eastern DRC.
Additionally, journalists at RO may benefit from conflict-sensitive reporting training, as this can enhance their credibility and their peace-oriented role.
When United Nations peacekeeping missions launch public information and media initiatives, experts in peace and conflict should ideally be part of their editorial team. This can strengthen their role and mandate to be a force for building peace.
Keywords: media, radio, peacebuilding, un, United Nations, peace, DRC, Congo, conflict, conflict resolution, peace and conflict
