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Enhancing Peace, Security, and Stability in 21st Century Africa

By
Ernest Bai Koroma
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Nairobi, Kenya, photo by Schreibkraft via Wikipedia.

The pursuit of peace, security, and stability has remained a central objective for many African states since they gained independence from colonial powers. While considerable progress has been made in building democratic institutions, promoting economic growth, and enhancing regional cooperation, the 21st century has brought complex, multidimensional threats that challenge the continent’s stability. These threats include the rapid increase in armed conflicts, violent extremism, state fragility, transnational crime, climate insecurity, and governance deficits. Addressing them requires integrated and context-sensitive approaches that reinforce local capacities, foster inclusive governance, and deepen regional and international partnerships.

The Nature of Contemporary Security Threats in Africa

Africa’s security landscape has evolved significantly in the 21st century. Traditional inter-state wars have given way to intra-state conflicts, often rooted in identity politics, competition over natural resources, and marginalisation. Notably, regions such as the Sahel, the Horn of Africa, the Lake Chad Basin, and parts of Central and Southern Africa have become hotspots of recurring violence and fragility.

The rise of violent extremist groups such as Boko Haram in Nigeria, Al-Shabaab in Somalia, and the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS) in the Sahel has transformed security threats into regional challenges. These groups exploit weak state institutions, porous borders, and local grievances to mobilise support and destabilise entire regions (Dowd & Raleigh, 2013). Their operations have created significant humanitarian crises, displaced millions, and undermined development efforts.

In addition to armed conflict, Africa faces increasing challenges from transnational organised crime—including human trafficking, arms smuggling, and illicit mining—and climate-induced conflicts over land and water. These “non-traditional” threats blur the lines between security, development, and humanitarian action, necessitating a holistic response.

The Role of Regional and Continental Frameworks

Africa’s primary institutional response to peace and security threats is anchored in the African Union (AU)’s African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), which comprises key instruments such as the Peace and Security Council (PSC), the Panel of the Wise, the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS), and the African Standby Force (ASF). APSA embodies the AU’s normative commitment to “non-indifference” and the right to intervene in cases of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity (AU Constitutive Act, 2000, Art. 4(h)).

While APSA has seen some success—particularly in mediation, early warning, and conflict prevention—its operationalisation remains hampered by financial constraints, weak coordination with regional economic communities (RECs), and limited political will from member states (Williams, 2018). The ASF, for example, remains largely dormant due to funding and readiness challenges, despite the urgency for rapid deployment in crisis situations.

Nonetheless, regional initiatives have gained traction. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), for example, has demonstrated strong normative and military responses to coups and instability, including interventions in The Gambia in 2017 and its diplomatic engagement in Mali and Guinea. Similarly, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) has played a central role in mediating the South Sudan conflict.

Governance, Inclusion, and the Prevention Agenda

Peace and security cannot be achieved solely through military means. At the heart of many African conflicts lie structural grievances—governance deficits, social exclusion, youth unemployment, and inequality. A durable peace therefore requires inclusive political systems, responsive institutions, and the empowerment of marginalised communities.

The United Nations and the AU have increasingly embraced a “sustaining peace” agenda, which emphasises conflict prevention, local peacebuilding, and inclusive governance. Empirical studies confirm that inclusive political settlements and power-sharing arrangements significantly reduce the risk of conflict recurrence (Walter, 2002; Langer et al., 2011). Similarly, women’s participation in peace processes, in line with UNSCR 1325, has been shown to enhance the durability and legitimacy of peace agreements (O’Reilly et al., 2015).

Youth engagement is equally critical. With over 60% of Africa’s population under the age of 25, addressing youth marginalisation is central to conflict prevention. Youth unemployment, lack of political voice, and social alienation have been exploited by extremist recruiters and political agitators. National strategies that promote youth entrepreneurship, civic education, and representation in governance structures are essential for long-term stability.

The Imperative of International Partnerships and Local Ownership

Enhancing peace and security in Africa also requires stronger partnerships with international actors. The UN-AU partnership has evolved into a model of collaborative peace operations, as demonstrated by joint missions in Darfur (UNAMID) and Somalia (ATMIS, previously AMISOM). However, external support must respect African agency and avoid undermining local ownership.

Sustainable peacebuilding depends on locally grounded solutions. Indigenous institutions, traditional authorities, and community-based organisations have historically played pivotal roles in resolving disputes and maintaining social cohesion. Revitalising these mechanisms and integrating them into national peacebuilding frameworks can enhance legitimacy and effectiveness.

Africa’s peace and security challenges in the 21st century are complex, but not insurmountable. They demand a shift from reactive responses to proactive, preventive, and inclusive strategies that combine political, developmental, and security dimensions. Strengthening the AU and RECs, fostering democratic governance, investing in youth and women’s empowerment, and promoting regional integration and solidarity are indispensable. Only through comprehensive, locally grounded, and coordinated efforts can the vision of a peaceful, secure, and stable Africa become a reality.

Keywords: peace, security, stability, Africa, armed conflict, conflict, conflict resolution, African union, extremism

Addressing Cameroon’s Anglophone Crisis: Why the Special Status Must Be Redefined

By
Robert Kosho Ndiyun
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People in Cameroon's South West, an Anglophone region. Photo by Happiraphael via Wikipedia.

Cameroon’s Anglophone crisis began in 2016 when peaceful protests by lawyers and teachers in the English-speaking North West and South West Regions of Cameroon were met with violence by the government. The protesters demanded respect for the Anglo-Saxon system of education and the Common Law legal system. 

This sparked widespread demonstrations and radicalisation of separatist groups, leading to armed conflict. The situation worsened, causing human rights abuses, mass displacements, and many casualties, while government repression deepened tensions. The key demands of the peaceful protests further expanded to include not just effective decentralisation, as outlined in the 1996 constitution, but also a return to the pre-1972 federal system or complete secession from Cameroon. 

In 2019, President Paul Biya pledged to address the frustrations of the North West and South West populations by speeding up decentralisation. Despite the special status granted to these regions, Anglophones continue to face marginalization, and violence continues.

Content of the special status arrangement

The country’s National Dialogue was organized in 2019 in Yaoundé. The dialogue recommended implementing Article 62(2) of the constitution for these regions, leading to the creation of a special status for the North West and South West under the 2019 law on Regional and Local Authorities. The special status sets these regions apart from the other eight regions of Cameroon. It recognises their distinct Anglophone educational and legal systems, and establishes a governance framework that respects their historical and cultural values while maintaining the state’s primacy and national unity.

This special status aims to address the unique needs of the Anglophone population. It grants the North West and South West unique autonomy, allowing them to exercise special powers beyond those granted to the other eight regions. They can participate in shaping national policies related to the Anglophone education system, establish regional development entities, and define the status of traditional authorities. The 2019 law also permits the central government to consult these regions on public justice administration issues and to involve them in managing public services within their territories.

Distinct institutional frameworks have been created for these Anglophone regions, including a bicameral Regional Assembly, a Regional Executive Council, and a Public Independent Conciliator, unlike the other regions that only have a Regional Council and its President. The Regional Assembly consists of a House of Divisional Representatives, which includes 70 councilors and five committees, and a House of Chiefs made up of 20 traditional authorities and two committees. This structure aims to enhance local governance and representation.

Anglophone communities initially expected full autonomy and a federal structure to address grievances like marginalization and low representation. However, these expectations for improved governance and resource control have not been adequately met. Many Anglophones feel disillusioned by the lack of progress in public service delivery and political representation, leading to a sense of betrayal. This gap between the promised special status and actual conditions has fueled frustration and violence in the regions.

Effectiveness of the special status

The implementation of special status in Cameroon has concentrated power within the central government, leaving subnational governments feeling excluded from key policy-making processes. While Regional Assemblies were created to mimic the federal structures of West Cameroon before 1972, they are significantly weaker. The current governors, appointed by the President of the Republic, hold veto power over decisions made by these Assemblies, limiting their autonomy and making them appear as extensions of the central government.

The 2019 law established a Common Decentralization Fund, mandating that at least 15% of annual revenue be allocated to support regions. However, actual allocations have fallen short, with only 7.2% in 2022 and 8% in 2023, leading to financial dependency that undermines regional governance. Although a National Commission on Bilingualism and Multiculturalism was created to address linguistic and cultural grievances, it has been criticized for failing to adequately tackle these issues. Many Anglophones feel that government efforts do not address systemic problems like representation in decision-making.

Moreover, claims of stakeholder engagement during the Major National Dialogue are questioned, as only pro-government elites were reportedly consulted. This has fostered distrust among Anglophones, as important topics like federalism and secession were excluded from discussions. Many special status institutions are filled with former pro-government officials, further alienating the community. Despite the intention to remedy historical inequalities, Anglophones continue to experience neglect and marginalization. The central government retains tight control over regional decisions, and the law allows for the dissolution of special status institutions, creating instability and a disconnect from the population’s needs.

Many Anglophones feel that the special status has largely remained theoretical, with little impact on their daily lives. The continued dominance of the French language in public institutions, lack of meaningful economic development projects, and the central government’s reluctance to fully empower local authorities contribute to the perception that the policy is ineffective. While pro-government Anglophone elites argue that the policy is slowly addressing crisis triggers, separatist groups reject it outright. The ongoing high cost of living, violence, and human rights abuses reinforce the belief that the special status has not alleviated the crisis.

The Anglophone community emphasizes that this top-down policy lacks grassroots engagement and has failed to bring about real change. The conflict persists with issues like crime, abductions, and school closures, alongside ongoing confrontations between government forces and separatists. Victims continue to blame the government for their struggles, calling for genuine political will to include diverse community voices in a meaningful dialogue aimed at reconciliation, conflict transformation, and economic empowerment.

Redefining the special status

The current special status for Cameroon’s Anglophone regions is largely a façade of autonomy, lacking real devolved powers and resources. Despite limited support from Anglophones and rejection by separatist leaders, this status could serve as a basis for fostering consensus in peace negotiations. It provides a legal framework that recognizes Anglophone identity and promotes regional autonomy within a decentralized system.

To make this framework effective, genuine dialogue is essential. Engagement with the Anglophone population must include substantial consultations that involve all stakeholders, including marginalised groups and separatist leaders. This approach can help bridge the divide between the central government’s rejection of separation and the separatists’ demand for federalism and secession. Strengthening local governance mechanisms is crucial. Regional assemblies should have the authority to recommend legislation in key areas including education, language, and judicial matters, in order to address core grievances. Empowering local authorities and involving them in decision-making can link policy to practice.

Additionally, reforms should ensure effective representation of Anglophone concerns, including provisions for joint sessions between the North West and South West Regional Assemblies. Transitioning to direct universal suffrage in regional assembly elections would enhance legitimacy and voter engagement. Moreover, establishing a commissioner for marginalised groups and expanding the authority of the Public Independent Conciliator to address disputes can further promote inclusivity. Reforming the special status to empower regional assemblies could restore trust and create a pathway for inclusive political dialogue, ultimately contributing to stability and peace in the Anglophone regions.

Keywords: Cameroon, Anglophone Crisis, Anglophone, conflict, conflict resolution, Francophone, peace, Africa

This Week in Peace #79: April 18

By
Tara Abhasakun
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0
Road tunnel near Khartoum National Airport in Sudan, photo by Mohammed Abdelmoneim Hashim Mohammed via Wikipedia.

This week, UK and EU pledge millions to help Sudan, but still no contact group for ceasefire talks. Following peace deal, officials report all bunkers removed in Pakistani district. Still no ceasefire in sight for Israel and Gaza.

UK and EU Pledge Millions to help Sudan, But Still No Contact Group for Ceasefire Talks

The UK and EU are stepping up to help ease Sudan’s suffering. At a London Conference on April 15, the two-year anniversary of Sudan’s civil war, the UK and EU pledged hundreds of millions of dollars in aid to Sudan. The EU promised 522 million Euros in aid, while the UK announced 120 million pounds in the coming year to deliver food for 650,000 people in Sudan amidst the country’s famine. 

UK’s foreign minister David Lammy said, “We have got to persuade the warring parties to protect civilians, to let aid in and across the country, and to put peace first.” 

However, a British-led attempt to set up a contact group to facilitate ceasefire talks failed after Arab states refused to sign a joint communique after the conference. The Guardian reported an argument between Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) over the communique.

These developments come after last week, Saudi Arabia and the US called on Sudan’s warring parties, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and Rapid Support Forces (RSF), to resume peace talks. On April 9, Saudi Arabia’s top diplomat, Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan, met with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio in Washington. 

Since then, the RSF has launched new attacks on the beseiged city of El-Fasher and two nearby famine-hit camps. Over 100 people, including 20 children, are feared dead.

Sudan’s civil war born out of a power struggle between SAF leader Abel Fattah al-Burhan and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti. The conflict has left the country in what US Secretary of State Antony Blinken has described as the “world’s largest humanitarian crisis, leaving over 25 million Sudanese facing acute food insecurity and over 600,000 experiencing famine.” 

Following Peace Deal, Officials Report All Bunkers Removed in Pakistani District

After tribal leaders in Pakistan’s Kurram district finally came to a peace deal on March 29 after months of violent conflict between Sunni and Shia groups, officials reported on April 14 that all bunkers in the district had been removed.

Kurram’s administration confirmed that all parties involved had agreed to surrender their arms, and that the collection of weapons from local groups had commenced. The administration credited the operation’s success to cooperation between police and other security agencies, Dawn reported.

The most recent wave of violence in Kurram began on November 21, when gunmen attacked a vehicle convoy and killed 52 people, mostly shias. Despite a peace deal reached on January 1 between Sunni and Shia tribes in Kurram, militants attacked an aid convoy in the district on January 16. Deputy Commissioner Shaukat Ali said that one soldier had been killed, and four others wounded in the attack, with three convoy vehicles damaged. 

Still No Ceasefire in Sight for Israel and Gaza

There remains no ceasefire deal in sight for Israel and Gaza, as Israel and Hamas still disagree about the terms for a potential ceasefire. NPR reported this week that Israel had proposed a 45-day ceasefire in which Hamas would release 10 living hostages (presumed to be around half of the hostages still alive, Egyptian officials say), in exchange for 1,400 Palestinian prisoners service life sentences. If both sides agreed to a permanent end to the war during those six weeks, including an agreement by Hamas to permanently disarm, the remaining hostages would be released from Gaza, according to the Israeli offer. 

Hamas rejected the proposal, with a Hamas official telling BBC, “The Israeli proposal relayed to the movement through Egypt explicitly called for the disarmament of Hamas without any Israeli commitment to end the war or withdraw from Gaza. Hamas therefore rejected the offer in its entirety.”

Egyptian officials say that Hamas is agreeing to release more hostages, however, the group maintains that any agreement must guarantee a permanent end to the war, full Israeli withdrawal from the strip, and the strip’s reconstruction. The UN estimates that 90% of Gaza homes have been damaged or destroyed.

This development comes after last week, UN spokesperson Stephane Dujarric said at a news conference that nearly 400,000 Palestinians had been displaced following the breakdown of the ceasefire in Gaza.

This Week in Peace will take a short break next week, but we will resume shortly.

Keywords: Sudan, Kurram district, Pakistan, Israel, Palestine, Gaza, ceasefire, civil war, conflict, conflict resolution, peace

Rewriting the Future: How Peace Agreements Can Break the Cycle of Child Soldiering

By
Sean Molloy
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A group of demobilized child soldiers in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Photo by L.Rose via Wikipedia.

As the world continues to grapple with the horrors of armed conflict, one of its most heart-wrenching persisting abuses is the use of child soldiers. These children, drawn into combat by force, coercion, or circumstance, endure unimaginable trauma and loss. Yet, in the aftermath of conflict, their plight is often sidelined in favour of political expediency. This oversight not only hampers their reintegration into society but also leaves open the possibility of their re-recruitment. Amid this complex challenge, peace agreements stand out as critical instruments for ensuring both justice and healing.

Peace agreements are not merely tools to halt gunfire—they are blueprints for rebuilding. As I demonstrate in my recent study, peace agreements signed between 1990 and 2022 that directly reference child soldiers number only 77 out of 252 that mention children at all. These agreements contain a total of 189 provisions focused on child soldiers. While this shows progress, the inclusion of child soldier-specific provisions is still the exception rather than the norm.

At their best, peace agreements can address three interlinked phases crucial to tackling the child soldier issue: ending recruitment and use, disarmament and reintegration, and accountability. Each phase, if addressed thoroughly, holds the power to transform former child soldiers into community members with dignity and purpose.

Halting Recruitment and Use

The first step is to prevent the future recruitment and use of children in armed conflict. Some peace agreements have taken bold steps in this direction. For example, the 2008 Magaliesburg Declaration on the Burundi Peace Process explicitly calls on parties to “abstain from all actions that might be perceived as fresh recruitment drives, particularly among children.” Other agreements, such as the Central African Republic’s Libreville declaration, echo this sentiment by banning recruitment altogether.

Importantly, these agreements don’t just stop at declarations. They often integrate provisions into ceasefire terms, making child recruitment a direct violation. Yet, a critical gap remains: While many agreements focus on forced recruitment, fewer address the broader socio-economic drivers that lead children to voluntarily join armed groups. Poverty, lack of education, and the breakdown of communities are fertile ground for recruitment. Hence, peace agreements must go further—targeting root causes and offering real alternatives.

Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR)

The second critical area is disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR)—one of the most tangible ways peace agreements can support former child soldiers. Effective DDR programs do more than collect weapons. They offer psychological support, educational opportunities, and pathways back to civilian life.

Some agreements show promising practices. The 2003 Accra Peace Agreement in Liberia required the transitional government to prioritize child combatants in its DDR plans. Similarly, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement between Sudan and South Sudan set timelines for child soldier demobilization and family reunification.

A standout example comes from Sierra Leone, where the Lomé Accord involved UNICEF and other organizations in tailoring DDR efforts to the specific needs of child soldiers. This collaborative, child-centered approach should be the gold standard. Yet, as the research notes, many agreements still treat children as secondary beneficiaries of adult-focused DDR processes—a serious shortcoming.

Accountability and Justice

Perhaps the most sensitive issue is accountability. International law, including the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, recognizes the recruitment of children under 15 as a war crime. Yet holding recruiters accountable remains politically fraught.

Encouragingly, some peace agreements are making strides. Colombia’s 2016 Peace Accord, for instance, explicitly excluded child recruitment from the list of crimes eligible for amnesty. Similarly, the DRC’s Kampala Dialogue emphasized prosecuting those responsible for recruiting children.

However, accountability must also navigate complex ethical terrain. While the dominant narrative correctly views child soldiers as victims, there are growing calls to recognize their roles as perpetrators—particularly in cases where they commit serious crimes. The international community must walk a fine line: affirming the victimhood of children, while exploring non-punitive accountability mechanisms that acknowledge the harm caused, without undermining their rehabilitation.

Challenges and Opportunities

Despite these advances, numerous challenges persist. Many peace agreements are the result of fragile political compromises, with parties often reluctant to admit to war crimes—including child recruitment. Where all sides in a conflict have used child soldiers, there’s often a shared reluctance to address the issue in peace agreements. Acknowledging it risks international backlash and complicates negotiations. As a result, parties may engage in a tacit “conspiracy of silence,” avoiding the topic altogether to protect themselves from accountability—at the cost of the children’s rights and long-term peace. 

This silence must be broken. International actors, mediators, and civil society organizations have a critical role to play. The UN’s Practical Guidance for Mediators to Protect Children in Situations of Armed Conflict is a step in the right direction, offering concrete tools to ensure child protection is not left off the negotiating table. Moreover, child-specific provisions should be treated not as optional add-ons but as foundational to sustainable peace.

Peace agreements are more than ceasefire documents. They are a society’s first attempt to reimagine itself after the chaos of war. If children are to inherit a world worth living in, then peace agreements must reflect their rights, realities, and needs. That means ending the recruitment of child soldiers, supporting their reintegration, and holding perpetrators accountable. To do any less is to write a peace that is partial, and a future that is fragile.

Keywords: child soldiers, peace agreements, peace, conflict, conflict resolution, justice, transitional justice, war, child recruitment, children, child rights, children’s rights

From Markets to Villages: Peace Caravan Ignites Unity, Inclusion Across The Gambia

By
Mohammed Ibrahim
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0
People dancing at a market during the peace Caravan and Inclusion Campaign, photo by Activista The Gambia.

The Gambia, a West African nation surrounded entirely by Senegal, has recently seen a worrying rise in tribal divisions. With a population of fewer than five million and a deeply rooted traditional society, concerns about increasing tribalism, exclusion, and marginalization have drawn national and international concern. In June 2024, The CEO of Peace Network, Alassan Justice Jallow, warned of signs of potential violent conflict in the country, including hate speech, disinformation, and misinformation around ethnic and religious attacks.

To tackle these issues, a coalition of peace-focused organizations including Activista The Gambia, Safe Home for Migrants Association (SaHMA), Global Platform, and the Ministry of Youth and Sports, launched a 10-day peace caravan in February 2025.

Backed by the UN Peacebuilding Fund’s Women and Youth Project, the initiative targeted communities across the Banjul, West Coast, and Upper River Regions in the smallest African country.

Taking the Message to the People

Activists used the caravan to bring elders, women, and young people together to discuss peace and harmony, Ansumana Camara, the national coordinator of Activista The Gambia, told Peace News Network (PNN).

He said that during the trip, activists visited districts and met with village heads and community leaders to advocate for the inclusion of youth in development committees and women in district tribunals.

Camara noted the grassroots impact of such engagements. “We took the message directly to where people live, work, markets, public spaces, because these are the voices often left out of policy conversations. We made sure they were heard,” he said.

In marketplaces like Barra, Farafenni, Kaur, and Basse, the Peace Caravan delivered lively musical performances and serious conversations. “We targeted these places because the people there, especially women, are the backbone of society,” Camara said. “They must not be left behind.”

Women dancing at a market during the peace Caravan and Inclusion Campaign, photo credit Activista The Gambia.

Camara recalled the success of similar initiatives during the last election cycle. He said the activists organized a caravan to promote peaceful elections and voter education. This experience, he said, showed them how effective direct community engagement can be in building trust and awareness.

Confronting Tribalism and Empowering Women

Amie Jobe, a peace activist and representative of SaHMA, said that tribalism is one of the root issues they’re confronting. “We believe that most of these communities are struggling with tribalism,” she said, adding that there are deep divisions around identity and inclusion. This, Jobe said, was why the caravan participants came together to speak openly and honestly about peace and inclusion.

Ousman Baldeh, Program Manager at Global Platform, also highlighted the urgent need to address rising tribalism head-on. “Tribalism is rising in The Gambia. People are beginning to identify more with their tribes than with the nation,” Baldeh told PNN. “Some political parties are aligned with particular tribes, and that means even if you are competent for a position other tribes may not vote for you,” he said, adding that this was why the peace caravan was important.

Jobe emphasized that including women in community structures is critical, as many village women are sidelined. “They raise the kids, they farm, but they don’t have a voice in leadership. When women are included, they feel represented. They know there is someone they can talk to about their problems,” she said.

Women at a market during the peace Caravan and Inclusion Campaign, photo credit Activista The Gambia.

She explained that the group brought women and men together, old and young, to have one conversation about peace, because unity is powerful. It builds understanding, and it builds a future, Jobie said.

Challenges on the Ground

But the caravan’s work isn’t easy. “One of our biggest challenges is resources. We can’t reach every village the way we want to,” Jobe admitted. “And sometimes people misinterpret our work as political. That discourages them from participating.” she said.

Beyond Conferences: Reaching Rural Communities

Baldeh stressed the importance of taking peacebuilding beyond workshops and into the streets. “You can’t only talk about peace on TV or in conferences. How many people in rural villages can access those platforms?” he pointed out, saying that the caravan brings the message to people directly. 

Crowd listening to the peace message during the campaign in one of the villages visited. Photo by Global Platform.

Badeh said that the caravan is going to chiefs, youth, women, and everyone who has a stake in peace. He said that participants were asking authorities to include marginalized groups in their decision-making processes.

Listening and Tackling Taboos

The caravan was also an opportunity for the activists to listen. Badeh said that when caravan activists speak, children and youth speak back, and participants hear about their problems. This way, the purpose is not merely to preach peace and inclusion, but to create a dialogue. He also pointed out the long-standing caste and traditional challenges that persist in many rural Gambian communities.

Crowd listening to the peace message during the campaign in one of the villages visited. Photo by Global Platform.

“In some rural areas, people who are considered ‘slaves’ by traditional standards can’t even speak during meetings…They can’t marry who they want. This is part of the problem,” Baldeh said. “To build peace, we need to promote inclusion at all levels regardless of tribe, gender, or background.”

He said peacebuilding is not easy, but warned that if issues of tribalism, marginalization, and inequality are not addressed, it will affect everything: the economy, politics, and people’s daily lives.

Lasting Impact and Future Hope

The Peace Caravan’s impact was clear: Village leaders committed to include youth in development structures and women in community tribunals. Elders opened their ears. Youth opened their hearts. And across regions, the music, the dance, and the dialogue brought people together.

Women at a market during the peace Caravan and Inclusion Campaign, photo credit Activista The Gambia.



This is why in one of the meetings with elders, Alkalo Sailu Bah of Basse emphasized the importance of the caravan’s mission and advised the organizers to always preach peace and remain steadfast in nation building.

A vendor at the bustling Serrekunda market echoed the caravan’s sentiment by telling the organizers that, “Without peace, we cannot even come to the market to sell. We all have a responsibility to maintain peace and we need to be reminded of it every day.”

As Gambia confronts complex challenges from traditional hierarchies to political polarization, initiatives like the Peace Caravan are proving that grassroots peacebuilding remains not just relevant, but essential.

Keywords: The Gambia, peace caravan, peacebuilding caravan, peace, conflict, conflict resolution, Gambia tribes, tribalism, tribal conflict, West Africa, Africa

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