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From Captives to Peacebuilders: How Kidnapping Victims are Reshaping Justice in Colombia

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A peace rally in Medellín, Colombia, in 2017, in support of the peace agreement, photo by author.

For decades in Colombia, guerrilla insurgents and criminal mafias alike weaponized kidnapping, with over 50,000 abductions documented during the country’s conflict between 1990 and 2018. 

For years, victims were known only as hostages. Chained in the jungle and moved from camp to camp, they were reduced to bargaining chips in a long and brutal war. Today, many of those same people are helping to redefine what justice and peace look like in post-conflict Colombia.

In January 2021, Colombia’s Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP) charged eight former leaders of the FARC guerrilla movement with crimes against humanity and war crimes for systematic kidnapping. In a landmark ruling in September 2025, seven of those ex-leaders were convicted and ordered to perform restorative sanctions, including projects to preserve victims’ memories. But for the thousands of people abducted during the armed conflict, accountability alone was never going to be enough. What has made Colombia’s transitional justice process distinctive is not only that kidnapping has been placed at its centre, but that victims themselves have become active protagonists in shaping how justice is pursued.

Macro-case 01 of the JEP, formally known as Hostage-taking, serious deprivations of liberty and other concurrent crimes, focuses on one of the most emblematic crimes of Colombia’s conflict. The tribunal has identified more than 21,000 kidnapping victims, ranging from politicians and soldiers to farmers, traders, children, and entire families. Many were held for months or years under degrading and violent conditions. Some never returned. Nevertheless, within this judicial process, something unexpected has been happening. Victims have not remained passive witnesses to their own suffering. Instead, many have stepped forward as peacebuilders, transforming personal trauma into collective demands for truth, dignity, and non-repetition.

Democratising pain in the public sphere

For decades, kidnapping survivors were largely absent from public narratives of the conflict. Their experiences were often reduced to statistics, sensationalised by the media, or absorbed into broader accounts of violence that left little room for individual voices. The JEP hearings have begun to change this. Through written testimonies, regional meetings, and public hearings, former hostages have described not only the moment of abduction, but the everyday violence of captivity: chains, isolation, hunger, illness, sexual abuse, humiliation, and the constant uncertainty of not knowing whether they would live or die. Families have spoken of years spent searching, negotiating ransoms, or waiting in silence.

These testimonies do more than inform judges. They create what many victims describe as a ‘democratisation of pain’: the movement of suffering from the private realm into shared public knowledge. By telling their stories in official spaces, survivors challenge the social silence that often follows their release. In doing so, they assert a simple but powerful claim: what happened to us matters.

This public articulation of pain is itself a peacebuilding act. It disrupts the denial and normalization of violence, and forces society to confront the human cost of armed conflict. It also lays the groundwork for non-repetition by exposing the structures and decisions that made mass kidnapping possible in the first place.

The “Never Again” museum in the town of Granada, in Eastern Antioquia. Images of people from the town who were kidnapped or disappeared during the armed conflict. The museum is an expression of how civil society groups in Colombia are creating strategies to build collective narratives of social memory and to honour the memory of the disappeared. Photo by author.

Justice beyond punishment

Colombia’s transitional justice system was designed to balance accountability with the possibility of peace. Under the JEP, perpetrators who fully acknowledge responsibility and contribute to truth-telling can receive reduced, restorative sanctions rather than long prison sentences. This approach has been controversial, particularly among victims of grave crimes. Many former hostages express anger, frustration, and fear that justice may amount to impunity. Yet interviews conducted with kidnapping victims involved in macro-case 01 reveal a more complex picture. While punishment matters, recognition matters just as much.

For many survivors, hearing former FARC commanders publicly admit that kidnapping was a systematic policy, not an unfortunate excess or isolated mistake, has been a turning point. Acknowledgement, naming responsibility, and confronting victims face-to-face have allowed some to begin grieving properly for the first time. Truth, in this sense, becomes a form of reparation. This does not mean that the process is easy or healing by default. Recounting captivity often reopens psychological wounds. Many victims live in regions where armed groups remain active, making participation risky. Psychosocial support is uneven, and expectations frequently exceed what any legal mechanism can realistically deliver. Yet despite these obstacles, victims continue to engage. Their insistence on participation challenges a long tradition of top-down justice, in which laws are written and applied without meaningful involvement from those most affected.

From victims to political actors

One of the most significant shifts produced by macro-case 01 is the transformation of kidnapping survivors from ‘beneficiaries’ of justice into political actors within it. Victims are not only providing testimony. They are commenting on indictments, proposing forms of reparation, and shaping how responsibility is understood. Many insist that justice must address more than individual acts of violence; it must confront the social and moral damage inflicted on communities, families and trust itself.

This is particularly evident in victims’ demands for collective memory. Survivors frequently describe their experiences as fragmented,  scattered across files, hearings, and databases. They call on the JEP to help construct a coherent narrative that recognises kidnapping as a systematic crime with long-term social consequences, not a series of disconnected incidents. Such demands reveal a deeper ambition: to reclaim agency after years of dehumanisation. By participating in the justice process, victims reassert themselves not only as survivors but as citizens with the right to shape Colombia’s future.

A global milestone, with local roots

International observers have recognised the significance of Colombia’s approach. The International Center for Transitional Justice has welcomed the JEP’s first sentences as a milestone, highlighting their emphasis on truth, victim participation, and restorative sanctions. Globally, Colombia stands out as the first country to address kidnapping so comprehensively within a transitional justice framework. But what gives macro-case 01 its transformative potential is not simply legal innovation. It is the persistence of victims who refuse to let their experiences be marginalised once again.

Their participation exposes the limits of what some critics call ‘magical legalism’: the belief that laws alone can repair societies shattered by violence. Without social recognition, security guarantees, and material support, justice risks remaining symbolic. Victims know this. That is why many see their involvement not as the end of their struggle, but as part of a longer process of peacebuilding from below, one that links truth-telling to dignity, accountability to social repair, and memory to the prevention of future violence.

Building peace from lived experience

Colombia’s transitional justice process remains fragile and contested. Political polarisation, institutional constraints and ongoing insecurity continue to threaten its legitimacy. Yet within macro-case 01, a quieter transformation is unfolding. Former hostages, once silenced by chains and fear, are helping to redefine what peace means in practice. By insisting on recognition, by turning pain into public testimony, and by demanding justice that speaks to lived experience, they are building peace in ways no agreement or court ruling could achieve alone.

Their message is clear: peace is not only signed at negotiating tables. It is built when those who suffered the most are finally heard, and when their voices help shape the society that emerges after war.

Keywords: Colombia, kidnapping, FARC, peace, peace process, conflict, conflict resolution, abduction, justice, human rights, victims, survivors

This Week in Peace #113: January 30

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Mohabbat Khan Mosque in Peshawar, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province, Pakistan, photo by US Embassy via Wikipedia.

This week, DRC’s UN peacekeeping mission repatriates 15 former Rwandan rebels. Recent violence in Jonglei threatens peace prospects in South Sudan. Pakistan’s acting president says development elusive without peace in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province.

DRC’s UN Peacekeeping Mission Repatriates 15 Former Rwandan Rebels

The United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) on January 27 repatriated 15 former members of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) rebel group. MONUSCO also repatriated 19 members of the former rebels’ families.

The repatriation was conducted as part of MONUSCO’s disarmament, demobilization, reintegration and stabilization section. MONUSCO reports an increase in the number of voluntary surrenders by Rwandan rebels in the outskirts of Goma in recent months. 

A Rwandan official reported that after the latest repatriation, the total number of ex-combatants repatriated now stands at 33. 

Recent Violence in Jonglei Threatens Peace Prospects in South Sudan

The UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) on January 25 warned that the recent escalation of violence in Jonglei state threatens prospects in the country. Reports said that a senior military leader is urging troops to indiscriminately attack civilians, with over 180,000 people fleeing their homes. 

Officer in Charge Graham Maitland said, “Inflammatory rhetoric calling for violence against civilians, including the most vulnerable, is utterly abhorrent and must stop now.” 

After the country experienced a civil war in 2013 which killed over 400,000 people, South Sudan’s fragile peace has been deteriorating this year, despite a peace agreement signed in 2018. Amnesty International on May 28 reported that violence had killed 180 people between March and mid-April 2025 amid deepening divisions between President Salva Kiir and First Vice President Riek Machar. On September 21 2025, at least 48 people were killed and over 152 injured in fighting between South Sudan’s army and opposition forces in Burebiey. 

Pakistan’s Acting President Says Development Elusive Without Peace in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province

Pakistan’s acting President Syed Yousuf Raza Gilani said on January 28 that development and prosperity in the country appear elusive without ​​peace in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province.

Gilani has been working to promote development and prosperity throughout Pakistan, and held discussions with Governor Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Faisal Karim Kundi on the country’s political situation, law and order in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, good governance, and the province’s overall socio-political conditions. He praised the people of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa for their resilience and courage in the fight against terrorism. 

Governor Kundi briefed Gilani on the ongoing measures to ensure law and order, promote good governance, and enhance public welfare in the province. Gilani stressed that development and the welfare of the province’s residents is a top priority for the government.

This development comes after at least four members of a peace committee were killed in a suspected terrorist attack in the province on January 13. In Pakistan, peace committees are local groups that help security forces maintain peace and combat extremism. Some commentators have noted a larger trend in threats against members of peace committees, and have pointed out that such committees cannot be effective without further actions by the government against extremism. 

Keywords: DRC, Congo, Rwanda, South Sudan, Pakistan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, peace, conflict, conflict resolution

Beyond the Headlines: How Local NGOs Sustain ‘Everyday Peace’ in Bangladesh’s Rohingya Refugee Camps

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Rohingya children in Kutupalong, Ukhiya, Cox's Bazar, photo by Rohingya Creative Production (RCP), free to use via Pexels.

The Rohingya refugee crisis in Bangladesh is often framed through the lens of massive international humanitarian efforts food distributions, shelters, and emergency health care. Yet beyond these visible interventions, a quieter form of peacebuilding takes place every day in the camps of Cox’s Bazar. This work is led not by global agencies, but by local non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that operate at the grassroots level.

When Myanmar’s military launched a brutal counter-insurgency and ethnic cleansing campaign in 2017, more than 750,000 Rohingyas fled to Bangladesh, joining earlier arrivals and forming the world’s largest refugee settlement. Today, over 1.2 million Rohingyas live in Cox’s Bazar and Bhasan Char in extremely dense camps marked by poverty, trauma, insecurity, and restricted mobility. In such a volatile environment, peace is not forged through formal negotiations or political settlements. Instead, it is sustained through what scholars call “everyday peace,” small, relational practices that reduce tension and prevent conflict before it escalates.

While international agencies provide essential life-saving aid, local NGOs play a different but equally critical role. Embedded in local languages, religious practices, and kinship networks, these organizations act as trusted intermediaries between refugees, host communities, and authorities. Their proximity allows them to address conflict in culturally appropriate and timely ways.

The Power of Local Trust

Based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted between 2022 and 2024, I observed four key ways local NGOs help sustain peace in Cox’s Bazar’s camps.

First, youth engagement initiatives such as peace clubs, sports programs, and informal learning spaces offer young people alternatives to violence. These spaces foster dialogue, cooperation, and a sense of belonging in an environment where frustration and boredom often fuel violence.

Second, community mediation plays a crucial role in resolving everyday disputes. Trained volunteers and respected community members help settle domestic conflicts, inter-household tensions, and minor disagreements quickly and informally, preventing escalation in a context where formal justice mechanisms are largely absent.

Third, gender-sensitive and psychosocial programs address trauma and domestic violence through women’s circles and counseling spaces such as Shanti Adda (“peace conversations”). These initiatives allow women to process loss, build solidarity, and mediate family conflicts, forms of peacebuilding that are often invisible but deeply transformative.

Finally, rumor management is essential in a setting where misinformation can spark panic or violence. Local NGOs rely on trusted community messengers to verify and share accurate information about aid, health emergencies, or security threats, countering fear before it spreads.

Together, these practices form an informal infrastructure of peace one grounded in trust, empathy, and everyday relationships rather than formal institutions.

Breaking the Structural Bottleneck

Despite their vital role, local NGOs face significant constraints. Most rely on short-term, project-based funding that prioritizes quick, measurable outputs over long-term social change. Bureaucratic approval processes and restrictive regulations often limit innovation and autonomy. Operating in a highly controlled political environment, NGOs frequently avoid rights-based language, framing peace work as “education” or “family welfare” to reduce the risk of backlash.

Moreover, although global donors increasingly promote “localization,” local NGOs are often treated as subcontractors rather than equal partners. Their voices remain marginal in decision-making spaces, and their deep contextual knowledge is rarely reflected in program design.

A Path Forward for Sustainable Peace

If the international community is serious about sustaining peace in the Rohingya camps, it must move beyond symbolic inclusion. This means providing flexible, multi-year funding that allows local NGOs to invest in long-term peacebuilding. It requires including local actors in coordination and planning processes, not just implementation. Streamlining bureaucratic approvals and supporting refugee- and host-led initiatives can further strengthen ownership and trust.

Peace in Cox’s Bazar is not a distant dream negotiated in Geneva. It is rebuilt daily in classrooms, kitchens, courtyards, and community centers by people who choose dialogue over violence. Recognizing and supporting these “minor” acts of peace is not optional. It is essential for any durable humanitarian response.

Keywords: Bangladesh, Rohingya, Myanmar, refugees, refugee camps, Cox’s Bazar, NGOs, local, peace, conflict, conflict resolution

Anicet Kimonyo: A Journalist Searching for Peace in the Darkest of Times in DRC

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Anicet Kimonyo, photo provided by Anicet Kimonyo.

Anicet Kimonyo is a journalist based in Goma, the largest city in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC)’s eastern region. There, he covers the impact of conflict on civilians, particularly the war between the DRC government and the M23 armed group, and the many recent peace efforts amidst this conflict. 

Other topics that Anicet has reported on include the need for mental health care in Goma for peace, the endangerment of indigenous peoples and how it threatens peace, major environmental peace projects, and how young former combatants are building peace through dialogue and development.

Anicet Kimonyo, photo provided by Anicet Kimonyo.

In this interview with Peace News Network (PNN), Anicet discusses what it was like for him to grow up during war, how it impacted his family and his childhood, and how it eventually led him to become a journalist, despite having other plans for his life. He also discusses the realities of reporting on peace amidst violent conflict. 

I understand that you are from Goma, DRC, a city impacted by armed conflict between the government and armed groups such as M23. Can you tell me a bit about growing up here? 

I was born in 1995 in the Rutshuru territory, 75 kilometres from the city of Goma. In 1997, my family fled to Ishasa, on the border of DRC and Uganda, due to the Alliance of Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Congo (AFDL) war, which was a war of liberation in Congo. The AFDL war and the 1994 Rwandan Genocide were two key events in the upheaval of my childhood.

Many Rwandan refugees were massacred during the AFDL war, and unfortunately, Congolese people and their property were also collateral victims. Back in the 1990s, when my father was a prominent businessman and farmer, the situation created by the Rwandan Genocide and the AFDL war became a tragic turning point, leading to the collapse of his economic and agricultural activities. This marked the transition from a life of privilege to one of modesty, if not outright poverty.

My schooling was disrupted for a year due to the wars and looting in our towns, forcing us to move from one town to another in search of safety and stability.

Anicet Kimonyo, photo provided by Anicet Kimonyo.

The AFDL war came and went, followed by a new rebellion, the Rally of Congolese for Democracy (RCD), in 1998. Then, the AFDL president, Laurent-Désiré Kabila, was assassinated, plunging the country further into chaos. Rebel groups sprang up throughout the country, which was divided into four factions before being reunified through the Sun City Dialogue. This led to a transition period before the first democratic elections in 2006.

The events of this childhood, marked by a mixture of hope and sorrow, continue to this day. We have witnessed the helpless and continuous suffering of a population. We have seen children, young people, and mothers die, constantly displaced, and losing the will to live. We have also witnessed the resilience of populations who, despite suffering and repeated wars, rise from the ashes, believe in their future, and move forward.

What made you first become interested in journalism? Did peace and conflict have any impact on your wanting to become a journalist?

I must be frank: Initially, I didn’t consider becoming a journalist. I wanted to be a major financier of the best holding companies, but time and war, with its consequences, led me down a different path in journalism. The desire to shed light on the daily lives of ordinary citizens, to give citizens a voice to share their experiences, to give victims a voice to recount the consequences of war and the importance of peace.

What draws you to peace journalism, and how has your experience been different from traditional journalism stories? What is it like to report on peace in Goma, DRC? What’s the most challenging thing about reporting on peace there?

Peace journalism, in contrast to traditional journalism, reminds us and empowers each citizen to be an agent of peace wherever they are and in their activities. The consequences of war that we encounter should remind us and others that this must never happen again. 

The challenge in this type of reporting is getting victims to speak out, to express their feelings, and also to recount the daily lives of their brothers, mothers, parents, and loved ones while strictly adhering to journalistic ethics and professional standards. The greatest challenge is telling the story of a vicious cycle of a war that seems endless, but whose devastating consequences continue to affect communities.

What has been your favorite story to work on for Peace News? 

My favorite report was “The Forgotten Victims of the War in Goma and Eastern DRC.”

What are your plans/goals/dreams for the future?

I would like to continue in journalism with a focus on peace and the environment, but above all, with a particular commitment to investigations that can help bring justice to victims and achieve lasting peace.

Keywords: DRC, Congo, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Africa, journalism, peace journalism, peace, conflict, conflict resolution

This Week in Peace #112: January 23

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Bukavu, the capital of the South Kivu Province in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of the Congo, photo by Edwin Alden via Wikipedia.

This week, AU calls for united African solution to DRC crisis. Sudanese army reviews new ceasefire proposal from US and Saudi. South Sudan and DRC exchange prisoners in gesture of peace.

AU Calls for United African Solution to DRC Crisis

At a meeting in Lomé, Togo on January 16 and 17, the African Union (AU) called for stronger coordination among African, regional and international peace initiatives, in order to respond to the crisis in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).

AU Commission Mahmoud Ali Youssouf urged an African-led solution to end the crisis, saying “African-led efforts must now take precedence, giving concrete meaning to the principle of African solutions to African problems.” 

Youssouf added that dialogues should take into account the legitimate security concerns of Rwanda and Uganda, and support Burundi in managing a growing number of refugees. He noted that despite numerous mediation initiatives, violence continues in Goma, Bukavu, and Uvira.

The meeting reaffirmed support for the Doha process between the DRC government and M23, and concluded with the adoption of a unified mediation framework document and a plan to guide coordinated action. The meeting also renewed a commitment to African follow-up on implementing peace agreements, Oumar Sankare of AA reported.

Sudanese Army Reviews New Ceasefire Proposal from US and Saudi

Sudan’s army is reviewing a new ceasefire proposal from the United States and Saudi Arabia. The country’s Security and Defense council said it was meeting to discuss the proposal on January 21. 

This development comes after various efforts by the ‘Quade,’ a group of countries including the US, Egypt, United Arab Emirates, and Saudi Arabia, have failed to sustain a long-term ceasefire between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary group Rapid Support Forces (RSF). 

Sudan’s civil war born out of a power struggle between Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) leader Abel Fattah al-Burhan and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti. The conflict has left the country in what US Secretary of State Antony Blinken has described as the “world’s largest humanitarian crisis, leaving over 25 million Sudanese facing acute food insecurity and over 600,000 experiencing famine.”

UN High Commissioner for Refugees Barham Salih last week praised Chad for welcoming over 900,000 refugees since Sudan’s civil war broke out. UN News reported on January 16 that Salih had visited Chad to meet with refugees there. 

Turk described Chad’s acceptance of Sudanese refugees as “a powerful act of solidarity.”

South Sudan and DRC Exchange Prisoners in Gesture of Peace

South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) conducted a major prisoner exchange following a diplomatic meeting, Chief Bisong Etahoben reported in HumAngle on January 21. 

Though the number of prisoners exchanged was not reported, both countries stressed that the meeting was important for security cooperation, the permanent exchange of intelligence between the two countries, and strengthening peace and coexistence. 

This development comes amidst a tense security situation at the border of DRC and South Sudan. Many refugees are fleeing atrocities in South Sudan, with over 33,000 South Sudanese refugees having fled to DRC as of August 2025. and some rogue elements of the South Sudanese security forces have disguised themselves as refugees and looted several DRC communities. 

Charles Dhata, the South Sudanese commissioner, said, “Today, we have met with your authorities to resolve the situation which is going on between us. We must resolve our differences, we must put in efforts so that we no longer return to situations that have already taken place.”

Keywords: peace, DRC, Congo, Sudan, South Sudan, conflict, conflict resolution, ceasefire