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Is ‘Green Reconciliation’ Coming to the Island of Ireland?

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Still Image of Cliffs of Moher and Atlantic Ocean, most famous landmark in Ireland, photo by one Studio one via Storyblocks.

The signing of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement in 1998 undoubtedly marked a new chapter in the history of the island of Ireland. Yet, the natural environment has remained a forgotten victim, not only of the violent conflict known as ‘the Troubles,’ but also as a marginalised aspect of the peace process. While the agreement established a framework for political settlement and social reintegration, the environmental degradation stemming from centuries of colonial occupation and decades of conflict continues to pose significant challenges to both ecosystems and the communities that rely on them. Consequently, neglecting the environmental dimensions of violence and peace has obscured the potential for sustainable development and reconciliation.

Peace that opened a new door for polluters?

The Good Friday Agreement was primarily established to settle the ‘constitutional question’ of Northern Ireland and to reduce sectarian violence and political terrorism by creating a power-sharing government between what are broadly defined as ‘British communities’ and ‘Irish communities.’ However, while the peace deal focused largely on the equal recognition of civil and political rights, it barely addressed arrangements for tackling the socio-environmental harms that had been caused, which were often overlooked or left unaddressed. Rather, both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland paved the way for their own path towards economic development, continuing predatory policies and practices that destroy the natural environment.

The prominent patterns of ‘environmental violence’ in the history of Ireland are extensive and encompass a range of issues, including land appropriation, corruption, deregulation, biodiversity loss, environmental crimes committed by criminal gangs and paramilitary groups, among others. Adding to this landscape, large-scale development projects have emerged in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland; However, environmental safeguards have not kept pace with this growth. For instance, the Irish Citizens’ Assembly on Biodiversity Loss highlighted in 2019 that the island of Ireland is experiencing a significant decline in biodiversity and inadequate climate protection measures.

The ramifications of historical environmental mistreatment from both sides of the island of Ireland are more evident than ever. The algal bloom in Lough Neagh, the largest waterbody on the island, poses a hazard to aquatic ecosystems and threatens the livelihoods and health of local communities, such as eel fishing families, who depend on these waters and value their relationship with nature. The Mobuoy illegal dump, known to the public as one of the largest illegal dumpsites in Western Europe, is situated alongside the River Faughan. Its location consistently raises concerns about the potential for contaminants to flow into Lough Foyle, a shared body of water between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. Gold mining in the Sperrins has been promoted by politicians in Northern Ireland but has since been paused and evolved into a cross-border issue due to its detrimental impacts on the natural environment. Data centres are mushrooming across the island of Ireland, consuming up to 21% of the total electricity produced in the island as of 2023. Ancient woodlands, like Prehen Wood, and peatlands are being lost to massive industrial development.

Peacebuilding through environmental cooperation: Ups and downs 

Once again, these practices of environmental violence signify a continued legacy of the past and present obstacles to sustainable peace. However, if these challenges are addressed through robust transboundary cooperation at multiple levels, there is an opportunity to lay the groundwork for mutual trust and sustainable peace in light of the planetary challenges people commonly face. As the island of Ireland operates as one ecological entity, there is not only room for manoeuvre for both governments but also an imperative for them to engage in peacebuilding through environmental cooperation, often referred to as ‘environmental peacebuilding’. Communities have already forged new social relationships through grassroots environmental activism that transcends the traditional sectarian divide.

One noteworthy ‘success’ story in the realm of environmental peacebuilding is the ongoing restoration of the Ulster Canal. Originally constructed between 1825 and 1842, the canal was abandoned by the UK government in 1931 following the Irish Partition. The restoration of the Ulster Canal has been undertaken by Waterways Ireland (Uiscebhealaí Éireann), which was established as one of the cross-border implementation bodies under the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement in 1999. Connecting different counties and waterways across the Irish border, politicians praised the Ulster Canal as a symbol of ‘peace and reconciliation’ on the island of Ireland. The project concluded its second phase in 2024 and is expected to be completed in 2029, currently serving as a space for leisure and community development. 

Seeing environmental peacebuilding like a state, however, may replicate the fragile architecture of peace. While the idea of reconnecting divided communities through nature is commendable, it must be practised by empowering and protecting the communities that have defended the natural environment and fostered shared identities at the grassroots level. Communities that have long been separated alongside their ethno-religious background have stood up together to fight for climate action, the protection of Lough Neagh, natural heritages, public health, and the recognition of rights of nature, and so on. Although environmental issues have seldom been incorporated into the peace agenda on the island of Ireland, grassroots environmental activism has demonstrated the potential for bottom-up reconciliation, in stark contrast to the stalemate observed in mainstream politics.

Certainly, positive stories do not emerge without their challenges. Brexit has fuelled debates about the meaning of ‘peace,’ particularly in the context of the ongoing discussions surrounding a border poll. Persisting violence against nature and communities remains a significant issue in Ireland, with environmental defenders in regions such as the Sperrins, who have experienced various forms of intimidation including cyberbullying and even death threats. While predatory development projects are being approved by both governments, these struggles are exacerbated by a lack of trust and accountability in public institutions, along with political resistance and negligence concerning North-South cooperation, particularly from the unionist bloc in Northern Ireland. Nevertheless, a ‘green’ approach to social reconciliation has been already practised on the ground, gradually creating a wave for socially and ecologically sustainable peace.

Keywords: Ireland, Northern Ireland, The Troubles, peace, green peace, environmental peacebuilding, peacebuilding, Irish, conflict, conflict resolution, green reconciliation, reconciliation

This Week in Peace #80: May 2

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Russia President Vladimir Putin declared a unilateral ceasefire which was met with suspicion. Screen grab via Al Jazeera video.

This week, Myanmar’s earthquake survivors face renewed violence amid ongoing conflict. Russia declares unilateral ceasefire amid Ukraine conflict. Gaza ceasefire talks show signs of progress, Qatari PM says. Will Rwanda and DRC reach a peace agreement?

Myanmar’s Earthquake Survivors Face Renewed Violence Amid Ongoing Conflict

One month after a devastating 7.7 magnitude earthquake struck Myanmar on March 28, 2025, the nation grapples with compounded crises. The quake resulted in over 3,770 deaths and more than 5,100 injuries, leaving survivors in dire conditions with limited access to clean water, sanitation, and shelter.

Despite initial ceasefire declarations to facilitate relief efforts, reports indicate that the country’s ruling junta has continued airstrikes, complicating aid delivery and exacerbating the humanitarian crisis. On April 28, the London-based Centre for Information resilience reported that it had documented 80 air attack incidents across Myanmar between March 28 and April 24. The CIR also reported several paramotor attacks. 

Myanmar has remained in a cycle of conflict and oppression since the junta took over the country in a coup in February 2021. The country’s various ethnic groups have been fighting for autonomy, and those who openly oppose the junta often face persecution and violence.

Russia Declares Unilateral Ceasefire Amid Ukraine Conflict

On April 28, Russian President Vladimir Putin announced a 72-hour unilateral ceasefire in Ukraine, set to coincide with Victory Day commemorations from May 8 to 10. The Kremlin described the pause as a humanitarian gesture and urged Ukraine to reciprocate.

However, Ukrainian officials expressed skepticism, questioning the timing and sincerity of the ceasefire, and called for an immediate and genuine cessation of hostilities. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky described the ceasefire as an “attempt at manipulation,” noting that Putin had not accepted the 30-day ceasefire that Ukraine had agreed to.

Foreign Minister Andrii Sybiha said, “If Russia truly wants peace, it must cease fire immediately,” adding that Ukraine was ready for a “lasting, reliable and complete ceasefire” for at least 30 days. 

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio said that while US President Donald Trump welcomed Putin’s willingness to pause the conflict, Trump has been very clear that he wants a permanent ceasefire and a peaceful resolution.

Gaza Ceasefire Talks Show Signs of Progress, Qatari PM Says

Negotiations aimed at establishing a ceasefire between Israel and Gaza have reportedly showed some signs of progress. The talks are said to be witnessing a “a bit of progress” according to Qatar’s Prime Minister Sheikh Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani. After Hamas rejected Israel’s most recent ceasefire over a week ago, the group now seems set on an agreement involving the release of all remaining hostages as part of a deal to end hostilities for at least five years, BBC reported.

However, the PM noted that the two parties still disagree on what a ceasefire would entail, and that while Hamas had agreed to hand over the remaining hostages in exchange for an end to war, Israel wanted the hostages released without a vision for an end to the conflict.

Israelis and Palestinians have suffered painful losses due to the war since October 7, 2023, when over 1,200 people were killed in Israel. On April 27, Gaza’s Hamas-run health ministry reported that 52,243 Palestinians had been killed within the past 18 months. 

Will Rwanda and DRC Reach a Peace Agreement?

After signing a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on April 25, Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) aim to draft a peace deal by May 2, committing to respect each other’s sovereignty and refraining from militarily supporting armed groups.

This development comes just after the government of the (DRC) and the March 23rd armed movement (M23) signed a joint declaration on April 24, committing to work to restore peace after years of violence in the DRC’s eastern region.  Rwanda has actively backed M23, as revealed in an investigation commissioned by the UN Security Council, however, Rwanda denies supporting the group.

Some analysts are taking a cautious approach to the planned agreement, saying that it is not yet clearly agreed  whether M23 rebels must withdraw from occupied territories. It remains to be seen whether the two countries will reach a peace agreement.


Keywords: Myanmar, earthquake, humanitarian crisis, Russia, Ukraine, ceasefire, Gaza, Israel, Hamas, peacebuilding, conflict resolution, DRC

Joint Declaration Between DRC Government and M23: A Fragile Glow in the Congolese Night

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Maman Uzamukunda marceline, displaced from Lushagala, from Masisi territory, DRC, Photo taken January 2025 by Anicet Kimonyo.

The government of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the March 23rd armed movement (M23) have taken a step towards peace. The two parties have separately signed a joint declaration, committing to work to restore peace after years of violence in the DRC’s eastern region. 

Formed in 2012, the M23 rebellion is composed of several former members of the various rebellions that have followed one another since 1997, including the AFDL, RCD, and CNDP. These rebels are members of several ethnicities, including Tutsis who claim they are defending their minority brothers and fighting for good governance. The Rwanda-backed M23 resurfaced in November 2021 after nearly a decade of dormancy. The group captured Goma, the region’s largest city and capital of North Kivu province, on January 27, 2025. It has since continued to capture more territory. DRC Prime Minister Judith Suminwa said in February that at least 7,000 people had been killed in fighting since January. Meanwhile, over 7 million people have been displaced due to the conflict, largely living in dire conditions.

The new declaration, made public on April 23, 2025, represents a modest but significant advancement on the difficult path towards lasting stability in the region. Amidst hesitant hope and skepticism, the population of Goma, the current stronghold of the Alliance Fleuve Congo (AFC)-M23 movement, oscillates between relief and distrust.

In the city’s streets, many welcome this diplomatic opening. Nizeyimana Jean Claude, a lawyer, expresses his high expectations to Peace News Network (PNN). “We desire lasting peace and not ephemeral solutions. True reconciliation inevitably requires justice,” he said. For Claude, no stability will be possible without reparations for the victims of past atrocities. He also emphasizes the necessity of an inclusive dialogue, which he says is the only way to heal society’s wounds sustainably.

Overview of Goma, photo by Anicet Kimonyo.

However, the enthusiasm is not unanimous. Nzanzu Daniel, a human rights activist, is much more cautious. In his view, recent history calls for prudence. “We experienced the 2008 agreements, and we know their consequences. The hasty integration of rebels into the army and political institutions was a serious mistake. It is crucial to avoid repeating those same errors,” Daniel warns.

During a briefing on April 24, DRC government spokesperson Patrick Muyaya spoke about the joint statement from the DRC delegation and that of AFC-M23. 

“I think we have taken a step that is not the only one because now the question, for example, of concluding the process with Rwanda will no longer arise as we have started the first phase of the ceasefire,” Muyaya said. “We will see how it consolidates, but subsequently, there will be other rounds of discussions that will be agreed upon and scheduled by the mediator.” 

On the international front, several states have also welcomed the development, seeing it as an opportunity to break the vicious cycle of conflicts. Belgium’s Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Maxime Prévôt, expressed support for the initiative on X, saying, “I am pleased with the agreement announced by the DRC and M23/AFC aimed at establishing a truce and a ceasefire, paving the way for essential dialogue to restore lasting peace in Eastern Congo.” The Belgian diplomat also announced his imminent visit to the region, highlighting Brussels’ support for efforts led under the facilitation of Qatar and regional organizations the East African Community (EAC) and Southern African Development Community (SADC).

The United Nations Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of Congo (MONUSCO) has not remained indifferent to this step forward. The UN mission on X praised “the joint commitment to establish a truce as a basis for an effective ceasefire” and commended “the renewed determination demonstrated by both parties to prioritize dialogue and peaceful conflict resolution.”

A process that remains fragile

The joint declaration, although signed separately by both delegations—Lawrence Kanyuka for M23/AFC and Papy Mbuyi Kanguvu for Kinshasa—commits the protagonists to an immediate end to hostilities and to ban any hate speech or intimidation. Media, religious authorities, and local communities will thus have an important role to play in supporting this emerging de-escalation dynamic.

A displaced mother from Rugari living in the Lushagala 1 camp in Nyiragongo territory. Photo by Anicet Kimonyo.

It remains to be seen whether the planned dialogue will address the issues in Eastern DRC long claimed by M23 and its allies to be root causes of the conflict. Among these demands are security for Congolese Tutsis and an end to discrimination against them, and facilitating the return of Congolese Tutsi refugees who have been living in neighboring countries for nearly three decades.

However, some of the rebel movement’s demands risk offending a segment of public opinion. The request for amnesty for its members prosecuted by the Congolese justice system and their participation in the management of institutions revives painful memories. Many fear a repetition of past mistakes, where the integration of ex-combatants into the army and the administration contributed to the weakening of state structures and the perpetuation of chronic instability in the region.

Political actors such as Deputy Gracien Iracan and human rights activists such as Daniel are already warning against any form of political bargaining that would disregard the necessity of genuine institutional and military reform. Many Congolese people view the fragility of the state as one of the root causes of the successive rebellions that have ravaged the country for more than two decades.

The city of Goma, photo by Anicet Kimonyo.

Qatar, a Discreet Architect

In this attempt at normalization, Qatar plays a crucial mediating role. The expressions of gratitude addressed to Doha in the joint declaration are not insignificant. For several months the emirate has been working behind the scenes, to reconcile the opposing positions. Its action, discreet yet resolute, is part of a broader desire to increase its diplomatic influence in Africa.

The success of this mediation could offer Qatar a stronger stature on the international stage, but it will depend above all on the ability of the Congolese parties to make sincere concessions, far from short-term calculations and superficial postures.

Uncertain Futures

Despite the hope created by this announcement, caution remains essential. The DRC remains trapped in a cycle of violence where a culture of impunity thrives, where justice is often silenced, and where the use of force still appears to many as a shortcut to power.

In this context, making dialogue a genuine lever for transformation will require more than signatures on paper. It will take strong actions, commitments kept, and an unwavering political will to break the spiral of chaos.

Keywords: DRC, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Congo, Congolese, M23, rebels, declaration, ceasefire, peace, conflict, conflict resolution, Tutsis

Pope Francis: A Believer in Peace

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Francis on the occasion of the canonization of John XXIII and John Paul II, photo by Jeffrey Bruno via Wikipedia.

Pope Francis, the leader of the global Catholic Church, died on April 21 – Easter Monday. Known for his relatively progressive views, the Argentinian prelate, born Jorge Mario Bergoglio, made human rights, peace, and conflict resolution defining elements of his 12-year-long papacy.

Francis, who was elected pope in 2013 after the resignation of his predecessor, Benedict XVI, would come to play the role of peacebuilder and mediator in disputes and conflicts all over the world. The former Archbishop of Buenos Aires’ diplomatic efforts were not universally successful or even bereft of criticism, but they were central to his commitment to peace.

Early on in his papacy, Francis and Vatican diplomats were key to a historic 2014 deal that led to the normalization of relations between the US and Cuba, in what The Economist’s John Hooper described in The Guardian as “the biggest success of the Vatican’s ultra-discreet diplomacy for at least 30 years.” The pope himself addressed a letter to U.S. President Barack Obama and his Cuban counterpart, Raul Castro, calling on them to “resolve humanitarian questions of common interest.” Both leaders credited the pontiff’s role in the diplomatic breakthrough.

After the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022,  Francis referred to the war as a “negation of God’s dream,” and repeatedly expressed his empathy with Ukraine’s civilian population. However, in an attempt to bridge the gap between Kyiv and Moscow the pontiff exercised neutrality and avoided direct confrontation with Vladimir Putin. His calls for negotiations and hopes that Ukraine demonstrate “the courage of the white flag” frustrated many Ukrainians, and were not successful in ending the war.

In the Middle East, Francis also aimed to be a neutral peacebuilder, offering gestures of understanding to both Israelis and Palestinians. In 2014, he hosted Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmoud Abbas and Israeli President Shimon Peres for a prayer summit in the Vatican. Under Francis, the Vatican recognized the State of Palestine and established diplomatic relations with the PA in 2015, a move which was met with criticism by the Israeli government. Francis condemned Hamas’ October 7, 2023 attacks in Israel as “abominable” but was also highly critical of Israel’s military strikes in Gaza. 

Francis was also active in interreligious dialogue. He was the first pope to visit the Arabian Peninsula and Iraq. In 2019, he signed a joint declaration of religious understanding with Ahmad Al-Tayyeb, the Grand Imam of Al-Azhar and the highest authority among Sunni Muslims. He made frequent visits to Muslim and Buddhist majority nations, such as Kazakhstan, Bahrain, Indonesia, Thailand, Sri Lanka, and Mongolia. He also condemned antisemitism and maintained warm relations with the Jewish community and Jewish religious leaders.

Pope Francis was not immune from criticism, and was challenged by victims of sexual abuse for not acting boldly enough in response to widespread allegations of miconduct within the Catholic Church. The Survivors Network of those Abused by Priests (SNAP), a leading US-founded group supporting victims of clerical abuse, said Francis’ papacy was “a preventable catastrophe for the children and vulnerable people who were abused during his tenure.”

During his last public address on the day before his passing, the pope used his Resurrection Sunday “Urbi et Orbi” speech to call for peace in the world. He asked that “the risen Christ grant Ukraine, devastated by war, his Easter gift of peace, and encourage all parties involved to pursue efforts aimed at achieving a just and lasting peace.” He also appealed for a ceasefire in Gaza and the release of hostages held by Hamas.

Francis also expressed wishes for peace in other, often ignored conflicts, such as Yemen, Lebanon, Syria, Armenia-Azerbaijan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Sudan, South Sudan, Myanmar, and the Western Balkans, Sahel, Great Lakes, and Horn of Africa regions.

Fittingly, after a life lived in service to the victims of armed conflict, Pope Francis marked his final address with an appeal for peace, saying, “I would like us to renew our hope that peace is possible!”

Keywords: Pope Francis, Pope, Catholic, religion, faith, peace, world peace, interfaith, interfaith dialogue, Easter, Easter Monday, Catholic Church

Enhancing Peace, Security, and Stability in 21st Century Africa

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Nairobi, Kenya, photo by Schreibkraft via Wikipedia.

The pursuit of peace, security, and stability has remained a central objective for many African states since they gained independence from colonial powers. While considerable progress has been made in building democratic institutions, promoting economic growth, and enhancing regional cooperation, the 21st century has brought complex, multidimensional threats that challenge the continent’s stability. These threats include the rapid increase in armed conflicts, violent extremism, state fragility, transnational crime, climate insecurity, and governance deficits. Addressing them requires integrated and context-sensitive approaches that reinforce local capacities, foster inclusive governance, and deepen regional and international partnerships.

The Nature of Contemporary Security Threats in Africa

Africa’s security landscape has evolved significantly in the 21st century. Traditional inter-state wars have given way to intra-state conflicts, often rooted in identity politics, competition over natural resources, and marginalisation. Notably, regions such as the Sahel, the Horn of Africa, the Lake Chad Basin, and parts of Central and Southern Africa have become hotspots of recurring violence and fragility.

The rise of violent extremist groups such as Boko Haram in Nigeria, Al-Shabaab in Somalia, and the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara (ISGS) in the Sahel has transformed security threats into regional challenges. These groups exploit weak state institutions, porous borders, and local grievances to mobilise support and destabilise entire regions (Dowd & Raleigh, 2013). Their operations have created significant humanitarian crises, displaced millions, and undermined development efforts.

In addition to armed conflict, Africa faces increasing challenges from transnational organised crime—including human trafficking, arms smuggling, and illicit mining—and climate-induced conflicts over land and water. These “non-traditional” threats blur the lines between security, development, and humanitarian action, necessitating a holistic response.

The Role of Regional and Continental Frameworks

Africa’s primary institutional response to peace and security threats is anchored in the African Union (AU)’s African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA), which comprises key instruments such as the Peace and Security Council (PSC), the Panel of the Wise, the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS), and the African Standby Force (ASF). APSA embodies the AU’s normative commitment to “non-indifference” and the right to intervene in cases of war crimes, genocide, and crimes against humanity (AU Constitutive Act, 2000, Art. 4(h)).

While APSA has seen some success—particularly in mediation, early warning, and conflict prevention—its operationalisation remains hampered by financial constraints, weak coordination with regional economic communities (RECs), and limited political will from member states (Williams, 2018). The ASF, for example, remains largely dormant due to funding and readiness challenges, despite the urgency for rapid deployment in crisis situations.

Nonetheless, regional initiatives have gained traction. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), for example, has demonstrated strong normative and military responses to coups and instability, including interventions in The Gambia in 2017 and its diplomatic engagement in Mali and Guinea. Similarly, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) has played a central role in mediating the South Sudan conflict.

Governance, Inclusion, and the Prevention Agenda

Peace and security cannot be achieved solely through military means. At the heart of many African conflicts lie structural grievances—governance deficits, social exclusion, youth unemployment, and inequality. A durable peace therefore requires inclusive political systems, responsive institutions, and the empowerment of marginalised communities.

The United Nations and the AU have increasingly embraced a “sustaining peace” agenda, which emphasises conflict prevention, local peacebuilding, and inclusive governance. Empirical studies confirm that inclusive political settlements and power-sharing arrangements significantly reduce the risk of conflict recurrence (Walter, 2002; Langer et al., 2011). Similarly, women’s participation in peace processes, in line with UNSCR 1325, has been shown to enhance the durability and legitimacy of peace agreements (O’Reilly et al., 2015).

Youth engagement is equally critical. With over 60% of Africa’s population under the age of 25, addressing youth marginalisation is central to conflict prevention. Youth unemployment, lack of political voice, and social alienation have been exploited by extremist recruiters and political agitators. National strategies that promote youth entrepreneurship, civic education, and representation in governance structures are essential for long-term stability.

The Imperative of International Partnerships and Local Ownership

Enhancing peace and security in Africa also requires stronger partnerships with international actors. The UN-AU partnership has evolved into a model of collaborative peace operations, as demonstrated by joint missions in Darfur (UNAMID) and Somalia (ATMIS, previously AMISOM). However, external support must respect African agency and avoid undermining local ownership.

Sustainable peacebuilding depends on locally grounded solutions. Indigenous institutions, traditional authorities, and community-based organisations have historically played pivotal roles in resolving disputes and maintaining social cohesion. Revitalising these mechanisms and integrating them into national peacebuilding frameworks can enhance legitimacy and effectiveness.

Africa’s peace and security challenges in the 21st century are complex, but not insurmountable. They demand a shift from reactive responses to proactive, preventive, and inclusive strategies that combine political, developmental, and security dimensions. Strengthening the AU and RECs, fostering democratic governance, investing in youth and women’s empowerment, and promoting regional integration and solidarity are indispensable. Only through comprehensive, locally grounded, and coordinated efforts can the vision of a peaceful, secure, and stable Africa become a reality.

Keywords: peace, security, stability, Africa, armed conflict, conflict, conflict resolution, African union, extremism