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The Invisible Migration: How Urban Refugees are Powering Uganda’s Economy and Building Harmony

By
Ayebare Cinderella
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Students at Bondeko tailoring their clothes. Photo by Godfrey Luzinda

Uganda has long been celebrated globally for its progressive refugee policy, one that avoids the restrictive encampment seen in other nations for a model of integration and freedom of movement.

According to statistics from the office of the prime minister, Uganda was a host to 1,961,518 refugees and asylum seekers as of October 31, 2025. Of these, 91 percent live in refugee settlements. While rural settlements are the traditional destination, a massive, invisible migration is reshaping the nation’s capital, with 9 percent residing in urban areas. Thousands are trading the dwindling rations of settlements for the grit and opportunity of the Kampala metropolitan area.

In the bustling suburbs of Makindye and Zana, refugees from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Somalia, South Sudan, Eritrea, Sudan, Ethiopia, Rwanda, and Burundi are no longer just asylum seekers. They are taxpayers, employers, and entrepreneurs.

Refugees from these countries have fled harrowing violence and instability involving civil wars, political unrest, and other major upheavals. Yet, they are now using entrepreneurship, including food, clothing, and cosmetic services, to power Uganda’s economy and build harmony amongst the diverse groups within refugee and host communities.

The Stitch of Resilience: John Babish Makando

In Makindye Division, a suburb characterized by its diverse refugee population, John Babish Makando operates a tailoring business that defies the common stereotypes of the trade. Having fled the conflict in Eastern DRC in 2019, Makando bypassed the settlement system entirely, betting on his skills to survive in the competitive urban landscape of Kampala.

For Makando, being a refugee is not a barrier to professional excellence. He has built a reputation for punctuality and precision, qualities he says are often lacking in the local market. “I am removing the common client misperception about local tailors,” Makando explains to Peace News Network (PNN). “Many are known for letting down clients by not meeting deadlines or spoiling designs. Here, it is different. I focus on quality and being a good timekeeper.”

Makando arranges to start his work in shop in Makindye. Photo by Cinderella Ayebare.

Makando’s contribution to the Ugandan economy is tangible. Unlike refugees in settlements who receive humanitarian aid, urban refugees like Makando receive nearly zero financial support. Instead, In Kampala, small-scale entrepreneurs are the backbone of the local economy, contributing through structured taxes. Most pay an annual Kampala City Council Authority (KCCA) Trading License, ranging from 31,500 UGX for basic stalls to 90,000 UGX for salons and workshops. Additionally, artisans pay a Local Service Tax based on income, while market vendors contribute through daily dues. Despite limited capital, these micro-businesses ensure steady revenue for urban development and city infrastructure Makando pays rent for his tailoring shop and fulfils his tax obligations, fuelling local development.

His journey to self-reliance began with a three-month vocational training course sponsored by the International Rescue Committee (IRC) and GRS. Today, he is paying that gift forward.

“I went for a three-month skill training and after I did a short course in tailoring. After some years of getting experience, we decided to start transferring these skills to fellow refugees and host communities by training them how to make clothes using different fabrics,” Makando said      

He added, “We decided to teach people to show them how we are connected to our Ugandan neighbours, because there is a saying that my neighbour is my first family.” 

Blending Fashion and Food: Amina’s Fresh Market

The economic ecosystem created by refugees extends from the wardrobe to the dinner table. 

Amina, another Congolese refugee in Makindye, ensures both refugees and Ugandans, eat well. Amina has tapped into the high demand for fresh produce in the densely populated corridors of Makindye.

Amina cleaning and sorting her greens. Photo by Cinderella Ayebare.

Her stall is a vibrant intersection of cultures. She specializes in vegetables like tomatoes and greens, but her real success lies in sombe (cassava leaves), susha, dodo, and eggplants, staples that appeal to Rwandan, Burundian, and Sudanese clients.

“Ugandans love Congolese food and Congolese love Ugandan food,” Amina notes, highlighting a form of cultural adaptation that goes beyond mere survival. By maintaining her stall, Amina is not just providing for her family; She is an active participant in the city’s informal economy, contributing to the tax base and promoting urban food security.

Turning Migrants into Economic Engines: The Bondeko Center

At the heart of this transformation is the Bondeko Refugee Livelihoods Centre in Najjanankumbi’s Stella Village. Founded in 1997 by Reverend Father Micheal Lingisi, Bondeko has evolved from a simple safety net into a sophisticated engine of self-reliance.

Bondeko Refugee Livelihoods Center.

Executive Director Paul Kithima is a vocal advocate for localization, the idea that the best solutions for refugees are those born from the refugees themselves.

“We have livelihood activities where we train refugees in different areas like hairdressing, tailoring, ICT, and makeup,” Kithima said. He added that the center also has savings groups, which provide essential training in entrepreneurship and financial literacy. “We have a total of 37 saving groups, attending to 1,110 individuals, with each group comprising 30 people,” said Kithima.

Students at Bondeko tailoring their clothes. Photo by Godfrey Luzinda

He added, “We help them to register as Community Based Organizations (CBOs) so they can access financial institutions to explore options like loans and other products.”

Last year alone, Bondeko assisted over 3,500 people, including both refugees and Ugandan nationals. This inclusive approach, training nationals alongside refugees, is key to maintaining social cohesion and preventing resentment. 

The center’s programs are diverse, ranging from a modernized bakery and mushroom farms to a law clinic that helps refugee families navigate asylum status and a young centre for children.

Students leaving the English class. Photo by Cinderella Ayebare.

A New Chapter of Self-Reliance

The shift toward urban entrepreneurship has become a necessity. With 2026 funding cuts slashing settlement rations to near-zero, the invisible migration is no longer a choice but a survival strategy. These individuals are moving away from aid dependency and toward active economic participation.

As Paul Kithima and the entrepreneurs in Makindye demonstrate, when refugees are given the tools to succeed, they don’t just survive, they build the future of the country that welcomed them.

Keywords: migration, immigration, immigrants, Uganda, urban, refugees, asylum seekers, Kampala, settlements, economy, harmony, peace, conflict, conflict resolution

From Humanitarian Peacebuilding to Strategic Influence: India’s Role in Sri Lanka

By
Menik Wakkumbura
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Charming Street Shop in Rainy Sri Lanka, photo by Eslam Mohammed Abdelmaksoud via Pexels.

India has gradually strengthened its diplomatic relations with Sri Lanka after the end of Sri Lanka’s civil war in 2009, entering a renewed phase of engagement built on soft diplomacy—particularly India’s dedicated efforts in relief and reconstruction in war affected regions of Sri Lanka. India emerged as the largest single contributor to post-war  reconstruction in Northern and Eastern Provinces. 

Among foreign funded post-war peacebuilding initiatives, India has supported Sri Lankan Tamil communities for large projects like housing reconstruction, livelihood development, voluntary repatriation of Tamil refugees who fled to India during the war, and facilitating Sri Lanka’s resettlement process. The widening peacebuilding support led India to broadened cooperation in trade, military, and strategic affairs. 

Since the end of the civil war, Sri Lanka’s political leadership has increasingly regarded India as its most important regional neighbor. In a telephone conversation with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi dated December 1 2025, Sri Lanka’s President Anura Kumara Dissanayake appraised India’s “first responder” approach in times of need, expressing gratitude to India for its immediate response to the recovery of Sri Lanka after cyclone Ditwah (Press Release, PM’s Office, India). 

India’s steady and continuous humanitarian peacebuilding initiatives serve as key foundations for the consolidation of strong India–Sri Lanka diplomatic ties. 

Post-war Humanitarian Peacebuilding  

India’s bilateral commitment to humanitarian assistance is widely recognized at the global level. In response to Sri Lanka’s post-war humanitarian recovery, India presented a comprehensive humanitarian agenda, encompassing not only emergency relief, but also long-term peacebuilding commitment. India’s housing construction project in Sri Lanka represents one of the largest humanitarian initiatives undertaken by a single country, with a commitment to build 50,000 new houses for conflict-affected  populations at an estimated cost of 33 billion Sri Lankan rupees (High Commission of India, Colombo). 

Initiated in 2012, the project later expanded through a fourth phase in 2017, providing an additional 10,000 houses for estate-sector communities with historical ties to Tamil Nadu, thereby linking humanitarian relief with socio-cultural support. 

India’s humanitarian engagement expanded to include rehabilitation and resettlement programmes, particularly supporting Sri Lanka’s internally displaced persons (IDP) resettlement. Since 2014, India has also facilitated the repatriation of Sri Lankan Tamil refugees—an issue that had long remained a complex and unresolved social and economic challenge due to the prolonged presence of the refugees in Tamil Nadu.  

India’s Humanitarian Emergency Assistance 

India was recognised and appraised among the hearts of Sri Lankans for its timely intervention during Sri Lanka’s back-to-back emergency phases, particularly in 2022 during Sri Lanka’s worst economic breakdown, and after the entire island was devastated by cyclone Ditwah in December 2025—India’s relief and recovery support stood indispensable. 

Addressing the All-India Partner Meet in June 2024, Sri Lanka’s former president Ranil Wickremesinghe stated, “having now survived two difficult years, I must acknowledge that this was possible because India extended a loan of US$3.5 billion” (The Economic Times), reflecting India’s immediate intervention to Sri Lanka during the economic crisis. India’s recovery support was not only humanitarian but wisely set under strategically structured credit lines, which facilitated the stabilisation of essential imports—including fuel, food, medicine, and fertilizers—critical for the lives of people and daily engagements.  

At the time the island nation hit by the tropical cyclone Ditwah, the most severe natural catastrophe since the tsunami in 2004, India responded by extending a US$450 million relief and reconstruction package (news.lk), underscoring how humanitarian assistance continues to constitute a central pillar of bilateral cooperation. This marked the first instance in which a military-humanitarian operation was deployed, with India airlifting medical teams and units, rescue teams and even critical infrastructure—including movable bridges to facilitate immediate relief and post-disaster recovery. India demonstrated its humanitarian peacebuilding by moving beyond conventional intervention methods. 

Humanitarian Relief Leveraging the Strategic Scope 

Amid recognizing debates over the strategic competition between India and China in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR),  India’s closer diplomatic engagement with Sri Lanka positioned itself as a calculated strategy of soft balancing. In this context, humanitarian cooperation has functioned not only to strengthen political trust but to advance broader strategic interests of India in the region. At the geopolitical level, India-Sri Lanka affairs reinforced India’s Neighbourhood First policy, positioning India as a reliable partner in the emerging regional strategic architecture. 

A review of some key initiatives indicates that India has steadily strengthened its strategic  engagement with Sri Lanka. Such debates can be expanded to areas such as geostrategic dialogue, maritime security, and military exercises. In the recent past, India has shown its security follow-up in the aftermath of the Easter bombings in Sri Lanka in 2019, after which India enhanced intelligence-sharing mechanisms–that Sri Lanka allied with. In the broader regional trade context, India has stepped into key strategic infrastructural initiatives, such as the restoration of Kankesanthurai Harbour in 2018, the Colombo Port, West International Terminal Project (2022) and the joint development of oil storage facilities at the Trincomalee  Oil Tank Farm in 2022—one of the largest oil storage complexes in the Indian Ocean, originally constructed during World War II. India showcased its strategic commitment to enhancing its strategic footprint in Sri Lanka. 

Critical Perspectives 

While humanitarian peacebuilding carries significant diplomatic weight—allowing states to strengthen bilateral ties, as evident in India–Sri Lanka—it also prompts a critical reassessment of the liberal peace framework. Soft diplomatic approaches are generally welcomed, but in close geographic proximity, they require careful evaluation and political  dialogue, given the shifting of goals and sensitivity of interests. India and Sri Lanka have navigated this dynamic effectively. The Sri Lanka case illustrates the fragility and complexity of state-centric peacebuilding efforts, according to many critics; conventional liberal peace architectures are weakened in many applications in the world. However, India’s humanitarian peacebuilding provides a salient example of how humanitarian peacebuilding contributes to strengthening bilateralism. 

A case study like India Sri Lanka underscores how humanitarian peacebuilding—can lay the groundwork for more  robust diplomatic engagement, fostering stronger trust and sustained strategic alignment.

Keywords: Sri Lanka, India, peacebuilding, development, humanitarian, humanitarian peacebuilding, peace, conflict, conflict resolution

Activist Mothers of Northeast India and Peacebuilding in Fractured Societies

By
Amrita Saikia
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More details Two Yimkhiung Naga women weaving traditional shawl, photo by Joli via Wikipedia, cropped.

In September 2025, Dr. Rosemary Dzuvichu—a respected peace activist and former president of the Naga Mothers’ Association (NMA)—received a death threat on social media. Her alleged offense: years of advocacy demanding women’s quotas in urban local bodies (ULBs) in Nagaland, a right guaranteed by the 74th Constitutional Amendment Act of 1993. 

The prolonged legal battle, spearheaded by NMA, challenging the Nagaland state government’s refusal to hold ULB elections, culminated in a 33% reservation for women in ULBs in 2023, following an order by the Supreme Court of India. A total of 102 women won seats in the 2024 ULB elections held after a gap of two decades. Patriarchal sections of the Naga society vehemently opposed women’s reservation, citing Article 371(A) of the Indian Constitution. 

The case of Nagaland exemplifies the constraints women in Northeast India face while participating in electoral politics, evidenced by abysmally low numbers of women in the state legislative assemblies. The active involvement of women in grassroots activism for peacebuilding has primarily occurred against the backdrop of violence in Northeast India spanning several decades since India’s post-colonial state-making started in 1947. 

A Region Shaped by Conflict

Located between South Asia and Southeast Asia, Northeast India is home to several indigenous communities with complex histories and linguistic and ethnic diversities. The desire to maintain autonomy and a unique identity among certain communities led to self-assertion movements, including armed insurgencies, which peaked in the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s. 

Inter-group rivalries and the Indian state’s counterinsurgency measures, especially in the form of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), 1958, claimed thousands of lives of state and non-state armed actors and civilians. During this time, as the law and order situation deteriorated, social issues, including drug and alcohol abuse, plagued the conflict-affected states of Northeast India.

Mothers Step Into the Breach

Women, propelled by their essentialist roles as mothers, stepped in with the dual goals of putting an end to the bloodshed and addressing the emerging social issues due to the disruption of law and order. For instance, NMA was established in Nagaland in 1984, and the All Bodo Women’s Welfare Federation (ABWWF) was established in the Bodo areas of Assam state in 1986. Although focusing on social issues in the beginning, inter-factional killings between the insurgent groups and the clashes between the insurgents and the security forces deployed to curtail the insurgency led these organizations to intervene for peace. 

The members of these organizations mediated between the insurgent groups in conflict and urged them to participate in peace negotiations. On a few occasions, the members of NMA undertook a difficult journey crossing rivers and jungles to reach Naga insurgent hideouts in Myanmar to urge them to take part in peace negotiations.

Although the 2019 Naga peace talks between the Naga insurgent groups and the government of India ushered hopes of ending the protracted Naga conflict, new fault lines were exposed, as the neighbouring state of Manipur expressed concerns over certain clauses of the agreement having the potential of impacting the integrity of Manipur. As such, the NMA reached out to the Meira Paibis (Torch Bearers), an informal mothers’ group of Manipur, to discuss the situation and ease the tensions. In the Bodo areas of Assam, the ABWWF members brought two rival Bodo insurgent groups to a common space and mediated discussions between them.

These initiatives helped pause the violence in both contexts, as the insurgents heeded the appeals of the mothers. During clandestine home visits of the insurgents, mothers and grandmothers also made efforts to persuade them to surrender arms. These initiatives of the members of NMA and ABWWF and mothers and grandmothers of these conflict-affected societies stemmed from what academics describe as motherhood politics or maternal activism, that is, women leveraging their roles as mothers and exercising their agency to pave their way into peace politics, which is otherwise a male-dominated space. Similar strategies have been adopted in other contexts of conflicts, such as Argentina, Israel, Palestine, Sri Lanka, and more, with successful outcomes.

Motherhood politics in the conflict-affected regions of India’s Northeast manifested in informal ways, including women’s collective organizational agency. Collectively, in their respective regions, NMA, ABWWF, and Meira Paibis (torch bearers) exerted motherhood politics in several ways—overt activism, nude protests, everyday resistance, and devising coping mechanisms during conflicts. For example, NMA and ABWWF organized peace marches, the Meira Paibis of Manipur bared their bodies as an act of resistance against the atrocities perpetrated by the security forces, and women in villages came together to devise everyday strategies, such as undertaking weaving or opening grain banks. As men hid in jungles fearing arrest and torture by the security forces, women shouldered all responsibility inside and outside the home.

A Continuing Struggle for Inclusion

The larger society, whether Naga or Bodo, recognizes and acknowledges the undeniable roles of the NMA or ABWWF in building peace and reconstructing the ruptured societies. For example, in Nagaland, the Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR), a joint effort towards reconciliation, established in 2008 at a time when Naga society was “drenched in tears and mourning” due to factional fights and fear of the Indian Army, included NMA, along with other organizations, for its long-term peace contributions to Naga society. 

FNR conducted faith-based mediations among rival Naga factions by arranging prayer meetings and football matches to rebuild trust. Their efforts bore fruit with the signing of the Covenant of Reconciliation (CoR) on 13 June 2009 by the leaders of the three major Naga armed groups, who resolved to end violence. The killings reduced significantly in the years that followed.

However, women’s organizations have been kept at the margins of conventional peace talks and peace accord signing ceremonies, which are primarily led by the government. Evidence suggests that including women in formal peace processes increases the durability of peace accords. Therefore, in Northeast India, given the recurrence of violence, including women in formal peace processes could be the first step towards attaining durable peace solutions.

Keywords: Nagaland, India, Northeast India, mothers, motherhood, motherhood politics, women, women and peace, peace, conflict, conflict resolution

Living Together Under Pressure: How Urban Communities in Bangladesh Manage Everyday Conflict

By
Sheikh Mehzabin
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Vibrant Dhaka Street Market during Ramadan, photo by Tanha Tamanna Syed via Pexels.

In the narrow lanes of Dhaka’s informal settlements, where tin-roofed homes lean into each other and tangled electricity lines hang overhead, conflict is a part of daily life.

Driven by rapid urbanization, hundreds of thousands of people move each year to cities like Dhaka and Chattogram in search of work, safety from climate disasters, or basic survival. But opportunity often comes with pressure: overcrowded housing, limited water, unstable jobs, and poor access to services.

In these conditions, small disputes can escalate quickly. Arguments over shared water points, drainage, noise, or unpaid loans are common. Yet, despite these tensions, widespread violence remains rare. Instead, many low-income urban communities rely on informal systems to manage conflict before it spirals.

At the center of these systems are trusted local figures, elders, shopkeepers, teachers, and religious leaders who form community-based mediation groups, often referred to as shomaj committees.

“These are small issues, but if we ignore them, they become big problems,” said Abdul Karim, a 58-year-old mediator in Dhaka’s Korail settlement. “A fight over water can turn into a fight between families. So we bring people together and talk.”

Unlike formal courts, which are often slow and costly, these mediators are accessible. Disputes are usually addressed within days. Both sides are invited to sit together in a neutral space, sometimes a courtyard or a local office where mediators listen and encourage compromise.

Karim estimates he handles 10 to 15 disputes each month, ranging from disagreements over shared utilities to youth altercations and small business conflicts. “We don’t want police involvement unless it’s serious,” he said. “If police come, the situation becomes bigger, and people lose face.”

Maintaining dignity, or shomman, is central to the process. Rather than assigning blame, mediators aim for reconciliation. For residents like Shirin Akhter, a garment worker in Mirpur, this approach can prevent escalation. She recalled a dispute with neighbors over blocked drainage that flooded her room during the monsoon.

“We were arguing every day,” she said. “Then the committee called us. We agreed to share the repair cost. Without that, it could have turned into a bigger fight.”

Urban migration has weakened traditional rural systems of conflict resolution, where extended families and long-standing relationships help maintain social order. In cities, neighbors often come from different regions and backgrounds, with fewer social ties.

Informal mediation helps rebuild a sense of shared responsibility. “Here, we are not relatives,” Karim said. “But we have to live side by side. So we act like relatives.”

Youth engagement is another key part of maintaining peace. In many neighborhoods, unemployment and political patronage networks increase the risk of violence among young men.

Some organizations are working to address this. Bangladesh Rural Advancement Committee (BRAC), one of Bangladesh’s largest development organizations, supports youth clubs and community programs that promote leadership and conflict resolution.

“These programs give young people alternatives,” said Razia Sultana, an NGO worker in Dhaka. “We teach them how to negotiate and calm situations. Sometimes they become mediators themselves.”

In one case, a dispute between two groups of young men over access to a local cricket field nearly turned violent. Trained youth leaders intervened and negotiated a shared schedule. “It sounds simple,” Sultana said, “but it prevented a serious clash.”

For many residents, informal mediation is also the only realistic option. Formal legal processes can involve fees, long delays, and time away from work, barriers that are difficult for low-income families. The accessibility of informal mediation builds trust and encourages early intervention.

Vibrant Dhaka Street Market during Ramadan, photo by Tanha Tamanna Syed via Pexels.

Bangladesh’s urban population has expanded rapidly over the past three decades, driven in part by climate-related displacement from floods, cyclones, and river erosion. However, infrastructure has struggled to keep pace. Informal settlements continue to grow, often without adequate services.

An urban sociologist at the University of Dhaka described the situation as “compressed coexistence.” “People are living closer than ever, with fewer resources,” the researcher said. “Conflict is inevitable. What is remarkable is how often it is managed without violence.”

Still, these informal systems have limitations. Mediators are often male elders, which can lead to unequal representation. Women and marginalized groups may feel their concerns are not fully addressed.

In cases of domestic conflict, outcomes can sometimes favor men. “Sometimes they tell women to adjust,” Akhter said. “It is not always fair.”

Political influence also affects neutrality. Community leaders may have ties to local power structures, making it difficult to resolve disputes involving influential individuals. “Impartiality is the goal,” Sultana said. “But in reality, politics is everywhere.”

More serious crimes, such as assault, trafficking, or organized extortion are beyond the capacity of informal mediation. In such cases, avoiding formal legal systems can lead to impunity.

Karim acknowledged the challenge. “If it is very serious, we call the police,” he said. “But sometimes people don’t want that.”

Another concern is instability. Many informal settlements are built on contested land and face the threat of eviction. When communities are displaced, the social networks that support mediation often disappear.

Despite these challenges, experts say these grassroots systems play a crucial role in maintaining everyday peace. Rather than replacing them, some suggest strengthening them through targeted support, such as training mediators in gender-sensitive approaches, involving more women in committees, and creating referral systems for serious cases.

The experience of urban Bangladesh highlights a broader lesson: Peace is not only achieved through formal agreements or national policies. It is built through daily interactions, negotiation, and compromise.

For residents like Akhter, peace is defined in simple terms. “Peace is when we can sleep without shouting outside,” she said. “When we can work, come home, and not worry about fighting.”

In densely populated neighborhoods where pressure is constant, that sense of calm is not guaranteed. It is created one conversation at a time.

Keywords: Bangladesh, Dhaka, conflict, peace, everyday, conflict resolution

This Week in Peace #121: March 27

By
Tara Abhasakun
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A mud brick temple in Sudan, photo by Walter Callens via Wikipedia.

This week, UN envoy meets with Sudanese liberation movement leader to discuss peace. UN trains South Sudanese officers in preventing violence against women. Peace talks stalling for Russia and Ukraine.

UN Envoy Meets with Sudanese Liberation Movement Leader to Discuss Peace

On March 23, UN envoy Pekka Haavisto met with the governor of Darfur region and leader of the Sudan Liberation Movement Minni Arko Minawi to discuss paths to peace in the war-torn country.

Minawi said that any political initiative must aim to keep Sudan’s people and territory united, as well as the Sudanese government and armed forces. He maintained that the United Arab Emirates (UAE) must be excluded from any further dialogue. The UAE admitted in November 2025 that it had made policy mistakes after its reputation was tarnished over its support for Sudan’s paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF).

According to the Darfur government, Haavisto expressed worries about Sudan’s humanitarian situation, especially in Darfur. Both parties agreed to continue coordination between international partners, and to organize dialogue among Sudanese stakeholders.

Meanwhile, the UN is working with the African Union (AU), the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the Arab league, and the European Union (EU) to manage Sudan’s situation, and build ties between different groups.

UN Trains South Sudanese Officers in Preventing Violence Against Women

In the midst of South Sudan’s growing conflict between the government and rebel forces, the United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) is training 30 officers, including eight women, in preventing violence against women. This training involves a wide range of topics including conflict and gender-based sexual violence, child protection, HIV/AIDS awareness, community policing, referral pathways, and practical problem-solving.

This development comes after on March 17, UNICEF said around 100,000 South Sudanese people have fled to Ethiopia in Jonglei state. 

Women in particular risk rape, forced marriage, and sexual slavery, UNMISS reports. Officer Ayen Mayen said that women police officers often face threats to their lives. 

“When a policewoman investigates, her life is often at risk. Stronger responses and closer collaboration are what we need to make Jonglei safer, where survivors are protected, and perpetrators face justice,” Mayen said.

Commander of the UNMISS UN Police team in Bor Mwewa Mervyn Musonda noted that two essential components of an effective response were protecting confidentiality, as well as “rejecting all forms of victim-blaming.”

Peace Talks Stalling for Russia and Ukraine

Peace talks are stalling for Russia and Ukraine. A Ukrainian delegation returned from two days of talks in Miami over what Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy described as “the key points, opportunities and challenges.” US Special Envoy to the Middle East Steve Witkoff said on March 22 that the talks were “constructive,” the talks did little to achieve peace.

Meanwhile, Zelenskyy told Reuters this week that US president Donald Trump is pressuring Ukraine to give up Donbas to Russia. Ukraine maintains that the most sensitive issues, including on its territory, can only be discussed in a direct meeting between Zelenskyy, Trump and Russian President Vladimir Putin. 

Zelenskyy said, “Meetings at the leadership level are needed to truly resolve these issues.”

Keywords: Sudan, South Sudan, Russia, Ukraine, peace, conflict, conflict resolution, ceasefire, women

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