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This Week in Peace #74: March 14

By
Tara Abhasakun
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Ukraine agrees to 30-day ceasefire, screenshot from NBC video.

This week, Ukraine agrees to 30-day ceasefire with Russia, US officials visit Moscow for talks. After recent attacks, is there hope for South Thailand peace talks? US presents proposal for Israel-Gaza ceasefire extension.

Ukraine Agrees to 30-Day Ceasefire With Russia, US Officials Visit Moscow for Talks

Ukraine agreed to a 30-day ceasefire with Russia, following talks in Saudi Arabia on March 11. However, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky warned allies the next day to not let Russia “deceive” them, saying, “Because right now, Russian strikes have not stopped.”

In response to Ukraine agreeing to the ceasefire, the US has agreed to lift the pause on intelligence sharing, and resume security assistance to Ukraine. US envoy Steve Witkoff arrived in Moscow on March 13 to discuss the ceasefire, and it remains to be seen what will come of the visit.

Secretary of State Marco Rubio has said that the “ball is truly in their [Russia’s] court,” and that the US believes that peace negotiations are the only way to end the fighting. US President Donald Trump, despite having recent tensions with Zelensky, has now warned Russia that he will put additional sanctions on the country if it doesn’t accept the ceasefire.

Meanwhile, Russia has laid out demands for talks with the US and Ukraine. These demands include, Reuters reported, no NATO membership for Ukraine, no deploying foreign troops in Ukraine, and international recognition of Putin’s claim that Crimea and four provinces belong to Russia. Russia has made many of these demands over the past two decades. According to US documents reviewed by Reuters, the Biden administration tried to forestall Russia’s invasion of Ukraine by engaging Russia on several demands, while rejecting some of them.

After Recent Attacks, Is There Hope for South Thailand Peace Talks?

Attacks by suspected insurgents killed five people and injured 13 in Thailand’s Narathiwat and Pattani provinces in the country’s conflicted southern region on March 8. On March 10, Deputy Prime Minister Phumtham Wechayachai said that the attacks have raised questions on whether those involved in the peace dialogue around the conflict have the authority to represent insurgent groups.

South Thailand has a Muslim-majority population, and was forcibly incorporated into a Buddhist Siam in 1909. The region’s separatist insurgency escalated in the early 2000s, and has been met with violent suppression from the state. The latest peace talks between Thai government negotiators and South Thailand’s main rebel group, the Barisan Revolusi Nasional (BRN) took place in early 2024. Since Thailand’s Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra assumed office in August 2024, there have not been signs of Malaysia- brokered peace talks reigniting.

On March 11, Wechayachai said that a new peace negotiating team chief will not be appointed until a strategic plan to resolve the conflict is finalized. He noted that a plan is under review.

Some activists have criticized the government for the lack of renewed peace talks. Anchana Heemmina, chairperson of the Duay Jai (with Heart) Association for Humanitarian Assistance, told Benar News that the government had ignored earlier signs of dissatisfaction in South Thailand, such as people burning electricity poles and putting up protest signs, adding that the government was “not showing clear intentions” on the peace dialogue process. 

US Presents Proposal for Israel-Gaza Ceasefire Extension

On March 12, US envoy Steve Witkoff presented an updated proposal for a month-long extension of the Israel-Gaza ceasefire, which expired on March 1, in exchange for the release of at least five living hostages, and the remains of around nine hostages currently held captive by Hamas. Witkoff presented the proposal in Qatar.

Witkoff’s original proposal two weeks ago had called for around 10 living hostages released, along with the remains of around 18 deceased hostages.

Under the updated proposal, the ceasefire would run until the end of passover on April 20, and Israel would lift its blockade of humanitarian aid to Gaza, which has been in place for almost two weeks, CNN reported. Israel and Hamas would use the extended ceasefire to come to a long-term truce in Gaza, according to the proposal.

The Israeli Prime Minister’s office did not respond to CNN’s request for comment. However, the Hostages and Missing Families’ Forum said in a statement that the outline to return only a few hostages was concerning, and that, “We demand a comprehensive and immediate agreement that will return all 59 hostages in one fell swoop and leave no one behind.”

Hamas is still holding 59 hostages in Gaza, and US and Israeli officials believe that 22 of them are still alive, Axios reports.

Keywords: Ukraine, Russia, Thailand, Israel, Palestine, South Thailand, South Thailand insurgency, conflict, peace, conflict resolution

Is Peaceful Coexistence Possible in Kosovo?

By
Anđela Đorđević and Rok Zupančič
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Kamenica, Kosovo. Photo by Toksave via Wikipedia.

Much of the world only knows of Kosovo as a conflict zone, fought over between Serbs and Albanians. Based on such media representations, one can get the impression that there is not even one example of positive relations or events in Kosovo. 

But the town of Kamenica challenges this notion. It is a small town and the center of a municipality of around 26,000 people with the same name, located in the eastern part of Kosovo. Kamenica offers an example of a rare coexistence between Serbs and Albanians in Kosovo. There is a long-lasting coexistence embodied in the ordinary everyday life of members of two or more ethnic groups within a deeply divided post-conflict society.

Kamenica is a place where local Serbs and Albanians succeeded in preserving peace during the 1998-1999 war in Kosovo. The representatives of the international peacebuilding and peacekeeping missions in the municipality also succeeded in maintaining peace in the years after the end of this war. 

Based on our research, we recognized the following factors that affected the peaceful coexistence of local Albanians and Serbs in Kamenica: historical-demographic, geopolitical, institutional, and economic factors, as well as the role, approach, and efforts of the representatives of international peacebuilding and peacekeeping missions.   

Although historical, demographic, and geopolitical factors show that the locals of Kamenica worked hard to maintain peace in turbulent times during and after the war, our research showed that the decisive factor was the role played by representatives of international peace and security forces. This was assisted by the city’s geopolitical location and distance from areas of revolt and arms transfer. Relatively far from Pristina and Mitrovica, cities that have been the centers of discontent and revolt, as well as the border with Albania, Kamenica benefitted from being on the conflict’s sidelines. 

Additionally, the local Serb and Albanian populations lived among each other for only about 50 years before the 1999 war. Kamenica was a village inhabited almost exclusively by Serbs before World War II (Stanković, 1910), except for a few households that belonged to Roma and Gorani residents. Given that the Serbs welcomed their new Albanian neighbors, who were first a minority after World War II, the groups coexisted well together.

All of these factors were the basis for good inter-ethnic relations, but not the only necessary conditions. Immediately after the end of the war in 1999, a major threat to the survival of Kamenica’s remaining Serb population was attacks by Albanians from surrounding areas. The biggest threat was from the Liberation Army of Presevo, Medvedja, and Bujanovac. The work of the Kosovo Force (KFOR) peacekeeping force’s Russian contingent, which was deployed in Kamenica municipality from the end of the war until 2003, along with representatives of the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK), prevented— according to the respondents of Serbian nationality— a complete exodus of Serbs from the town. Satisfaction with their work was also expressed by respondents of Albanian nationality, who said that the presence of the Russian KFOR contingent was good for the remaining Serbs. 

Representatives of the UNMIK administration in Kamenica made major efforts to reintegrate local Serbs into the regular flow of everyday life after the war. They worked to ensure that the number of employees of different ethnic groups in all institutions in Kamenica is proportional to the number of inhabitants of those groups. 

They also made great efforts to revive some of the positive social practices that existed in this city before the war. For example, they significantly contributed to the revival of the market in the city center, which before the war was a kind of symbol of the coexistence of the local population. Respondents confirmed that it was not easy to convince local Serbs to sell their products again at the local market, as they lived in great fear. With its “revival” by representatives of the UNMIK administration, it became the first “multi-ethnic” market in Kosovo after the 1999 war.   

We do not claim that the work of the representatives of the Russian KFOR contingent and UNMIK in Kamenica was ideal, but our research has established that it was dedicated, systematic, and purposeful, which was not the case in many municipalities in Kosovo.

The authors acknowledge the financial support from the Slovenian Research and Innovation Agency (in English), specifically the project “Anxieties in “divided cities” in post-conflict societies: developing and testing innovative (experimental) approaches in peacebuilding” (N5-0178), and the research programme Obramboslovje (P5-0206).

Keywords: Kosovo, Kamenica, Serbs, Albanians, coexistence, peace, conflict, conflict resolution, unmik, kfor

Liberia’s Quest for Reconciliation After Decades of Waiting

By
Ibrahim Bangura
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Monrovia, the capital city of Liberia, photo by Erik (HASH) Hershman via Wikipedia.

Liberia’s long and turbulent history of civil conflict, marked by two brutal civil wars, has scarred the nation’s socio-economic and political fabric. The first civil war lasted from 1989 to 1997, and the second from 1999 to 2003, with the wars killing a total of between 150,000 and 200,000 people. Efforts toward peace consolidation and national reconciliation in the post-war period have been protracted and, in many respects, incomplete and symbolic. While progress has been made in maintaining relative peace, as evidenced by multiple peaceful transfers for power through democratic elections, the underlying issues of justice, governance, and socio-economic inequalities remain largely unaddressed by the governing elite. 

Decades after the signing of the Accra Peace Agreement in 2003, Liberia continues to grapple with unresolved long-standing ethnic grievances, weak governance structures, and socio-economic challenges that threaten its fragile peace. The prolonged wait for full reconciliation raises fundamental questions about the effectiveness of past initiatives and the prospects for a lasting peace. This article explores the implications of Liberia’s delayed reconciliation process, and examines the structural and socio-political challenges that hinder genuine peace consolidation.

Despite the cessation of hostilities, the wounds inflicted during the civil wars persist, as many victims and survivors feel that justice has been denied to them. The Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), established in 2005, aimed to foster healing by uncovering the truth about war atrocities and recommending measures for accountability. However, the failure to implement many of its key recommendations— such as the banning of perpetrators from public office— has significantly undermined trust in the reconciliation process. The continued presence of ex-warlords in political and economic spheres fosters a culture of impunity and sends a message that crimes committed during the war bear no consequences. As a result, many Liberians remain sceptical about the government’s commitment to justice and national unity.

Efforts to promote reconciliation have been largely inconsistent and underfunded. Community-based reconciliation initiatives, including women’s peace huts, have yielded some success at the local level. However, these efforts have not been effectively scaled up to achieve national cohesion. Many war-affected communities continue to feel neglected, and reintegration programmes for ex-combatants have faced logistical and financial constraints. Moreover, political elites often exploit ethnic and historical grievances for electoral gains, thereby fuelling tensions instead of working towards national cohesion.

A key obstacle to peace consolidation is the persistent socio-economic disparity across Liberia. High levels of unemployment, particularly among youth, and widespread poverty create a fertile ground for instability. Many young people who were either child soldiers or war-affected civilians still struggle with economic exclusion, leading to frustration and susceptibility to political manipulation. Furthermore, Liberia’s slow decentralization process has left many rural communities feeling disconnected from governance structures, reinforcing their marginalization. Strengthening local governance and ensuring equitable development are critical to sustaining peace and fostering the environment required for national reconciliation.

The absence of a robust transitional justice process remains a significant hindrance to peace consolidation. The TRC’s recommendation to establish a war crimes court in Liberia has faced strong political resistance, largely due to the involvement of powerful individuals who were implicated in war atrocities. Atrocities committed during Liberia’s civil wars include incidents with hundreds of people killed in fighting between soldiers and armed groups, as well as sexual violence and forced conscription of child soldiers.

The lack of accountability for these atrocities has weakened public confidence in the rule of law, and emboldened perpetrators of past and present injustices. In May 2024, Liberian President Joseph Boaki signed an executive order establishing the Office of the War and Economic Crimes Court for Liberia. However, Boaki’s critics said that the court risked opening old wounds. A date for the court’s establishment has still not been set. Without addressing the grievances of victims and holding those responsible accountable, Liberia risks perpetuating cycles of violence and mistrust.

The prolonged delay in achieving full reconciliation presents a serious challenge to Liberia’s stability. Sustainable peace is not merely the absence of conflict, but the presence of inclusive political institutions, economic opportunities, and a strong rule of law. The failure to address wartime grievances and implement meaningful reconciliation measures has left the country vulnerable to social unrest and political instability. If left unaddressed, these unresolved tensions could lead to renewed conflict, particularly during contested electoral processes or periods of economic downturn.

To move beyond decades of waiting, Liberia must take decisive steps to consolidate peace and reconciliation. First, the government should prioritise justice and accountability by supporting the establishment of a war crimes court to address past atrocities and fortify the rule of law. Secondly, reconciliation programmes should be revitalised, focusing on community dialogues, victim support, and ex-combatant reintegration. 

Thirdly, economic and social inequalities must be addressed through job creation and equitable development to prevent widespread deprivation and marginalisation from escalating to instability. In order to truly achieve this, governance reforms including decentralisation of power and anti-corruption measures should be strengthened to ensure political inclusivity and citizen participation in national decision-making processes. 

Finally, there should be consistent efforts made by the state and its development partners to empower young people through access to education, skill building, employment, and political representation, to reduce their vulnerability and provide them with legitimate avenues towards community participation. Young people are, after all, the future of any society, and have been historically invaluable in peace and nation building activities.

Keywords: Liberia, peace, reconciliation, war crimes, atrocities, court, conflict, conflict resolution, civil war

This Week in Peace #73: March 7

By
Tara Abhasakun
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The flag of South Sudan, photo via Wikipedia.

This week, what do the arrests of South Sudanese officials mean for peace? Zelensky says Ukraine ready to take steps toward peace “if Russia will do the same.” Protesters in conflicted Pakistan district demand roads be reopened.

What does the arrest of South Sudanese officials mean for peace?

On March 5, a spokesperson for Sudan’s First Vice President Riek Machar said that South Sudanese forces had arrested the country’s oil minister, along with several senior military officials allied with Machar. The spokesperson, Puok Both Baluang, told Reuters that oil minister Puot Kang Chol and deputy head of the army Gabriel Doup Lam were arrested, and that all other senior military officials allied with Machar were put under house arrest.

South Sudan experienced a civil war in 2013 between Machar and President Salva Kiir. Kiir accused Machar of plotting against him, and Machar was removed as vice president. This led to brutal violence between armed groups supporting both figures. In 2018, a peace deal was agreed upon, however, many issues remain. Although the agreement ended a five-year civil war that killed over 400,000 people, talks stalled after Kiir sacked the former government delegation to the talks. 

Another spokesperson for Machar, Pal Mai Deng, told AFP that Gen. Lam’s arrest violates the peace pact, putting “the entire agreement at risk.” On March 6, forces arrested the country’s peacebuilding minister Stephen Par Kuol.

These developments come after analysts have warned about the risk of violence flaring up again in South Sudan, since the delicate balance between the two leaders risks collapsing, they say.

Zelensky says Ukraine Ready to Take steps Toward peace “If Russia Will Do the Same”

Ukrainian President Voldymyr Zelensky on March 4 said that Ukraine was ready to take steps toward peace if Russia would take them as well. Zelensky said in a post on X that the first stages of an end to the war could be, “…the release of prisoners and truce in the sky — ban on missiles, long-ranged drones, bombs on energy and other civilian infrastructure — and truce in the sea immediately, if Russia will do the same.”

Despite recent tensions with US President Donald Trump, as well as the US’s cut to military aid for Ukraine, Zelensky expressed appreciation in his post for the US’s assistance to Ukraine. He also said on March 5 that there had been “positive movement” in cooperation with the US. On March 6, Zelensky announced that he will meet with US officials in Saudi Arabia next week. Russia did not immediately respond to the statements in Zelensky’s post.

This development comes after last month, Zelenskyy warned that no peace deal will be accepted by Ukraine without its involvement. Zelensky added that “Europeans needed to be at the negotiating table too,” and that his priority was “security guarantees.”

Protesters in Conflicted Pakistan District Demand Roads Be Reopened

Demonstrators in Pakistan’s conflicted Kurram district protested for four consecutive days for roads in the district that has been closed for five months to reopen, Tribal News Network (TNN) reported on March 5. The protesters demanded that the road be reopened, and for a relief package for the district’s residents who have suffered under the blockade. 

This development comes after the Chief Minister of Pakistan’s Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provincial cabinet reaffirmed the government’s commitment to peace in the district on February 17. 

Activists vowed to continue the protests until their demands were met, and warned that the protests would spread to rural areas if demands were not met. A trade union president told TNN that after a 15-day pause, 113 aid vehicles had made it to affected areas, however, 1,000 truckloads of supplies are urgently needed.

The most recent wave of violence in Kurram began on November 21, when gunmen attacked a vehicle convoy and killed 52 people, mostly shias. Despite a peace deal reached on January 1 between Sunni and Shia tribes in Kurram, militants attacked an aid convoy in the district on January 16. Deputy Commissioner Shaukat Ali said that one soldier had been killed, and four others wounded in the attack, with three convoy vehicles damaged.

Keywords: Peace, South Sudan, Ukraine, Pakistan, Kurram district, conflict, conflict resolution, negotiations, Zelensky

Women Lead Fight Against Gender-Based Violence to Build Peace in Northern Nigeria

By
Mohammed Ibrahim
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National Agency for the Prohibition of Trafficking in Persons (NAPTIP), Binta Adamu Bello right with Hafsat Muhammad Baba during a visit to GIWAC office to foster a working Relationship against women trafficking in the country. Photo by GIWAC.

In Northern Nigeria, where deeply rooted patriarchal norms often silence women, a new wave of women-led initiatives is emerging not only to combat gender-based violence (GBV), but to foster peace and social cohesion. 

Historically excluded from peace discussions, women are now at the forefront. They are advocating for justice, providing support to survivors, and reshaping societal perceptions of domestic violence to make it known as a critical threat to community stability.

Gender-Based Violence as a Barrier to Peace 

A 2019 survey by Nigeria’s National Bureau of Statistics showed that 30% of the country’s women aged 15 to 49 had experienced physical violence, while 68% had experienced emotional, economic, or sexual abuse.

Such widespread violence is not only a human rights violation, but also a major obstacle to sustainable peace. “When women are unsafe, communities remain unstable,” says Hafsat Muhammad Baba, the team lead of the Global Initiative for Women and Children (GIWAC) in Kaduna, Northwest Nigeria. 

Hafsat Muhammad Baba, Team Lead of GIWAC.

“We cannot talk about peacebuilding while women live in fear inside their own homes.” she said.

Women’s organizations are filling the gaps left by weak law enforcement and limited government intervention, providing support structures that promote healing and reconciliation while pushing for a cultural shift toward nonviolence.

Empowering Women as Agents of Peace 

Baba, the team lead of the Global Initiative for Women and Children (GIWAC), emphasizes that addressing GBV is essential for long-term peace. “We must ensure that women are heard before violence escalates into full-blown crises,” she tells Peace News Network (PNN).

Her organization engages in grassroots advocacy, training women to recognize early warning signs of abuse and to speak out before situations worsen. “Survivors need safe spaces to share their stories and access support. This is not just about justice; it’s about healing, rebuilding trust, and restoring dignity,” Baba explains.

She also advocates for engaging men in peacebuilding efforts, highlighting that toxic masculinity and societal expectations often fuel domestic violence.  “Men must understand that strength is not in violence but in respect and partnership,” she says.

Hafsat Muhammad Baba with officials of Gender Awareness Trust (GAT) delegation at the GIWAC office both groups working to fight GBV in Northern Nigeria. Photo by GIWAC.

To enhance the impact of their advocacy, Baba calls for religious and traditional leaders to play an active role. “Mosques, churches, and community gatherings should serve as platforms to reinforce messages of nonviolence and respect for women,” she insists.

Baba also says these platforms can be used to educate men on what religious scriptures actually say about treating women with respect.

Overcoming Barriers to Justice and Peace

Hannatu Ahuwan of Legal Awareness for Nigerian Women highlights the difficulties women face when seeking justice. “Many survivors are pressured to drop cases, reinforcing a cycle of impunity,” she explains.

While the Violence Against Persons Prohibition (VAPP) Law has been domesticated in most Northern states, weak enforcement remains a challenge. She explained that the lack of Sexual Assault Referral Centres (SARCs), financial constraints, and security risks further complicate the fight against GBV. 

“Insecurity in the region makes it difficult for us to operate in high-risk areas where violence against women is most prevalent,” she says.

Ahuwan believes that a well-coordinated GBV response system would not only aid survivors but also contribute to broader peacebuilding efforts. “Communities that actively combat GBV foster environments where disputes are settled peacefully, rather than through violence,” she notes.

Legal Advocacy and Mediation as Peacebuilding Tools

Olufunke Bamikole, Chairperson of the International Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA) Kaduna Branch, stresses the role of legal advocacy in ensuring lasting peace. “A society that does not protect its women cannot achieve sustainable peace,” she says.

Olufunke Bamikole, Chairperson of International Federation of Women Lawyers (FIDA) Kaduna Branch, photo via Olufunke
Bamikole.

FIDA’s work extends beyond litigation to mediation and conflict resolution. “Not every case has to end in the courtroom,” Bamikole explains. “When disputes are resolved amicably, survivors often feel more empowered, and communities learn healthier ways to address conflicts.”

Media, Government, and Community Collaboration for Peace

Baba, Ahuwan, and Bamikole all agree that the media plays a crucial role in shifting public attitudes toward GBV. “When people read about survivors overcoming their trauma, it gives others the courage to break the cycle of violence,” says Baba.

Ahuwan urges the government to take more proactive steps in strengthening GBV response mechanisms. 

Expanding Women’s Role in Peace Processes

Despite systemic barriers, women-led groups continue to demand their rightful place in peace discussions. “Women are natural peacebuilders. They mediate in families, resolve disputes, and foster unity, yet they are often excluded from formal peace processes,” Baba argues.

She calls for more inclusion of women in security discussions, interfaith dialogue, and policymaking. “A peaceful society is one where women are not just protected but actively involved in shaping policies that impact their lives,” she says.

A Call to Action for Lasting Peace

The fight against GBV in Northern Nigeria is more than a women’s rights issue, it is a peace and security imperative. Sustainable peace cannot be achieved while half of the population continues to face violence and discrimination.

As women-led organizations step forward, their work must be recognized, supported, and amplified. “The voices of women can no longer be ignored,” says Baba. “Their fight for justice and equality is a fight for the future of Northern Nigeria and for lasting peace.”

Keywords: Nigeria, Northern Nigeria, Nigerian, Nigerian women, women, women’s rights, gender-based violence, GBV, domestic violence, abuse, peace, peacebuilding, women building peace

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