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Private Peace: Can Businesses Become Peacebuilders?

By
Pablo Molina Asensi
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Photo by kryvoshapka via Storyblocks.

As governments retreat from peacebuilding, corporate initiatives will be increasingly responsible for avoiding the adverse effects of industry on peace and human rights.

With western governments dramatically cutting budgets for peace, aid, and development, a peacebuilding niche has emerged that could be filled by private companies interested in preserving peace.

Businesses have a stake in safeguarding sustainable peace in the countries and regions in which they operate, said Mike Jobbins, Vice President of Global Affairs and Partnerships at Search for Common Ground (SFCG), an international NGO focused on ending violent conflict. “Ultimately, you know, anyone involved in business needs a set of social conditions in which that business can thrive… All key trade stops when war breaks out,” he told Peace News Network (PNN).

A central organization that has emerged with the goal of giving private companies a stake in peacebuilding is the Voluntary Principles Initiative (VPI). Established in 2000, the VPI is a movement that brings together governments, corporations, and NGOs to provide guidance to companies on how to protect human rights in their operations. The organization, Jobbins said, offers a forum to discuss the management of grievances and complaints by local communities, how to engage ethically with military and police forces that provide security around company sites, and issues surrounding technology, surveillance, and data sharing with communities and local law enforcement.

Jobbins said that SFCG, a VPI founding member, is particularly interested in leveraging the movement to engage with two particular types of businesses: The mining and energy sector, and global digital companies. Extractive industries like mining, he said, are dependent on long-term investment and planning, and are thus encouraged to build ongoing relationships with local communities. Meanwhile, social media companies “see the entire world as their customer, and therefore all of the ills of the world sort of show up on the platform,” said Jobbins, pointing to Meta, X, TikTok, and OpenAI as examples. These types of companies, due to their immovable or intangible assets, are often particularly interested in building peace through sustained engagement with fragile societies, he added.

The VPI has not been wholly successful in avoiding harms by its member corporations. Since 1975, the Cerrejón Mine in Colombia’s La Guajira department has been the site of numerous environmental and human rights abuses. Initially owned by ExxonMobil subsidiary INTERCOR and purchased by Glencore between 2021 and 2022, the mine has caused the forced displacement of over 25 Indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities, according to a report by civil society organizations CENSAT and CINEP. Between 2022 and 2023, the two groups documented 70 human rights violations by the army, police, and unknown assailants against land defenders. Both ExxonMobil and Glencore are VPI corporate members. According to the Business and Human Rights Resource Centre, Glencore is one of ten mining giants associated with 50 percent of allegations of abuses of environmental, land, Indigenous peoples’ and workers’ rights tracked since 2010. In 2013, Amnesty International withdrew from the VPI, citing its concerns about the organization’s failure to “develop robust accountability systems for member companies.”

Jobbins, who has experience working in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) for SFCG and the Wilson Center, said that corporate responsibility in peacebuilding is especially important in the country, which has the world’s largest reserves of minerals key to the global transition away from fossil fuels. Extractive industries have often been tied to the DRC’s conflicts, so a special emphasis should be placed, he said, on sustainable development that protects peace and human rights in countries like the DRC. 

“There’s a long history of the resources of Congo fueling global prosperity and local suffering. Fueling global societies by undermining Congolese society,” he said. “And so in that context, there’s an opportunity to do better.”

Due to the difficulty of working in a country where mining industries are often involved in human rights abuses, many companies, such as Apple, have instead chosen to withdraw from the DRC entirely. Jobbins said that withdrawal from the DRC’s economy is not a solution, and that responsible presence and reforms represent the best path to peace and prosperity in the DRC and a global fossil fuel-free economy. He said that excluding the country from leading supply chains that connect “some of the poorest people on Earth into the global economy” is not a solution. 

A better solution, he said, is for the Congolese government, international governments, and civil society groups “to be able to come together and arrange a new kind of social compact about how investment can undo some of the harms that 100 or more years of exploitative investments have done.”

Nascent efforts to regularize and support artisanal crafters and small-scale miners in the DRC offer a way forward, said Jobbins. He added that corporations and advocacy groups should focus on addressing child labor, illicit taxation, and worker exploitation by increasing oversight over mineral industries. Despite existing criticisms of Glencore, he said that the Anglo-Swiss mining company is making an effort to engage with the Congolese government and local communities to negotiate security and human rights concerns.

Peace and war will always remain a responsibility for governments, he said, and civil society groups also have a role to play in furthering reconciliation in countries affected by civil war like the DRC. Nevertheless, in a world where peacebuilding is no longer a top priority for the great powers, business is likely to increasingly find itself thrust into the role of defending peace.

Keywords: business, peace, peacebuilding, corporate, corporations, DRC, Congo, Glencore, human rights, mining, minerals, conflict, conflict resolution

This Week in Peace #77: April 4

By
Tara Abhasakun
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Kinasha, the capital of the DRC, photo by MONUSCO/Myriam Asmani via Wikipedia.

This week, African Union works to save South Sudan’s fragile peace. M23 rebels and DRC government plan direct talks in Doha. Israel and Hamas continue to disagree over ceasefire terms.

African Union Works to Save South Sudan’s Fragile Peace

After South Sudan’s First Vice President Riek Machar was placed under house arrest last week, the African Union (AU) is working to save the country’s fragile peace. On April 2, mediators from the AU arrived in South Sudan’s capital of Juba for talks aiming to avoid another civil war, Reuters reported.

The AU delegation arrived with a ‘Council of the Wise,’ which included former Burundian President Domitien Ndayizeye and former Kenyan judge Effie Owuor. This was after the AU made a statement on April 1 calling for Machar’s “immediate and unconditional release,” saying that recent events threatened Sudan’s 2018 peace deal which ended its civil war. 

Machar’s SPLM-IO party said in a statement that it “warmly welcomes the arrival of the Council of Wise” in the ongoing peace and de-escalation efforts. 

Machar, the long-time rival of President Salva Kiir, was arrested on March 26. In a video address, opposition spokesperson Pal Mai Deng said that Machar was being confined by the government, and that his life was “at risk.” South Sudan’s government said on March 28 that Machar was under house arrest and would be investigated on charges of trying to stir up rebellion. 

South Sudan experienced a civil war in 2013 between Machar and Kiir. Kiir accused Machar of plotting against him, and Machar was removed as vice president. This led to brutal violence between armed groups supporting both figures. In 2018, a peace deal was agreed upon, however, many issues remain. Although the agreement ended a five-year civil war that killed over 400,000 people, talks stalled after Kiir sacked the former government delegation to the talks. 

M23 Rebels and DRC Government Plan Direct Talks in Doha

The government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and M23 rebels plan to meet for direct talks in Doha, Qatar, on April 9, sources from both sides told Reuters on April 1. A source within M23 said that it would present Kinasha with its demands, while a DRC government official said the talks were scheduled for April 9 “unless the other side misbehaves”. The sources noted that both sides have agreed not to publicly discuss the content of the talks. 

After M23 captured Goma, the largest city in eastern DRC, on January 27, nearly 3,000 people were killed in fighting in the following weeks. More than 500,000 people were forced to flee their homes.

DRC’s neighbor, Rwanda, has actively backed M23, as revealed in an investigation commissioned by the UN Security Council, however, Rwanda denies supporting the group. 

The presidents of Rwanda and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) also met in Doha for peace talks on March 18. A joint statement issued with Qatar said that “The Heads of State then agreed on the need to continue the discussions initiated in Doha in order to establish solid foundations for lasting peace.” In the past, DRC President President Felix Tshisekedi has refused to meet M23 for direct talks. The government’s plans to meet with M23 for talks on April 9 therefore show a change in approach. 

Israel and Hamas Continue to Disagree Over Ceasefire Terms

Israel and Hamas continue to disagree over the terms of a potential ceasefire. Hamas favors a ceasefire put forward by mediators Qatar and Egypt, while Israel has made a counter-proposal in full coordination with the US, which Hamas has decided not to engage with, an official told Reuters on April 2. 

The mediators’ proposal, part of the January 17 ceasefire agreement, would extend the ceasefire for another 50 days. It included the release of 21-year old American-Israeli hostage Edan Alexander, a soldier in the Israeli army, the day after the ceasefire is announced. The proposal also included the release of four other Israeli hostages, with one hostage returned every 10 days, in exchange for 250 Palestinians held by Israel, and releasing 2,000 from those who were detained after October 7.

Other parts of the mediators’ proposal include the cessation of Israeli military operations, opening crossings to allow humanitarian aid in, and re-opening the Netzarim Corridor to allow cars to enter from the south to the north and vice versa.

Israel’s counter-proposal includes the release of 11 living hostages, and half of the deceased hostages in return for a 40-day ceasefire, a senior Israeli official told CNN on March 30. The outlet reports that a total of 24 living hostages, and the bodies of 35 deceased hostages, are believed to still be in Gaza.

This development comes after last week, Israelis and Palestinians both protested for peace. On March 25, hundreds of Palestinians in Gaza protested against the ruling Hamas government. Demonstrators chanted, “Out out out, Hamas get out,” and, “We want to end the war.” This was just days after over 100,000 people in Israel took to the streets of Tel Aviv, Jerusalem, and other cities, to demand a deal between Israel and Hamas to release the remaining hostages. 

Palestinians and Israelis have both suffered massively from the war since October 7, with over 1,200 people killed in Israel, and nearly 50,000 Palestinians killed in Gaza, according to the strip’s health ministry.

Keywords: peace, DRC, Congo, M23, South Sudan, Israel, Palestine, Gaza, conflict, conflict resolution

Towards Long-Term Peace: Eradicating Trafficking in Guatemala and Beyond

By
Anna Giulla
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Still Image of woman and young child In Guatemala, photo by FootageFoundHere via Storyblocks.

In post-war Guatemala, global, regional, and local processes make disadvantaged people vulnerable to exploitation. After the end of a civil war that lasted from 1960 to 1996, high levels of direct and structural violence persist, particularly as gang violence.

Understanding the dynamics shaping peacebuilding in post-conflict societies is fundamental to achieving informed policies. My research proposes to consider the structures and relationships in which violence, and specifically human trafficking, is embedded within post-conflict societies like Guatemala, in order to build long-lasting peace and eradicate all forms of violence. 

Guatemala’s persisting violence had important implications for people’s socio-economic and physical mobility: 

First, post-war liberalization and privatization processes reduced social services provided by the state, fuelling economic inequalities persisting to this day. Formal employment opportunities decreased and criminal networks expanded, especially impacting young people. At the same time, U.S. repatriation policies resulted in the importation of gang structures from Southern California (Cruz et al., 2020).  These processes institutionalized the structures that facilitate trafficking and exploitation. 

Secondly, post-war political discourses supported continued authoritarian governance. Criminalizing narratives against youth gangs and discourses on the ‘war on terror’ resulted in young people being marginalized. This fostered a culture of militarism and insecurity that favored corrupt political power. The structural conditions behind crime levels, however, persisted in post-war society, leaving marginalized groups vulnerable to exploitation, displacement, and trafficking, which represent ongoing challenges (Boerman and Golob, 2020). 

Thirdly, identity construction and socialization were highly impacted by war-time violence and by post-war narratives. The continued climate of insecurity fostered violent masculinities, and militarism institutionalized everyday violence (Korac, 2006). Consequently, people in post-war Guatemala experienced human trafficking differently according to their identity. Intersecting inequalities based on gender, ethnicity, and class continue to produce systemic patterns of victimization today (Cockburn, 2013).

These processes significantly shaped mobilities and human trafficking in Guatemala. Structures were created in which exploitation can still be practiced, and even become the norm. 

The Challenges to Long-Term ‘Positive’ Peace

The study looks into global, regional and local conditions under which wartime violence continues into the post-war era, in the form of structural violence. In particular, it investigates the role of war economies in producing vulnerability to post-war human trafficking, highlighting imbalanced economic, political, and cultural relations that limit equal opportunities worldwide. 

Three mechanisms linking the political economy of wars to the emergence of human trafficking during transition are identified:

  1. The persistence of economic structures leading to an uneven distribution of resources. This mechanism refers to the enduring legacies of a criminalized economy emerged during war due to disrupted economic production and the ‘self-financing’ needs of warring parties (Nitzschke and Studdard, 2005). During transition, certain policies can lead to the consolidation of these criminal networks, leaving specific subjects more vulnerable to exploitation.
  1. The configuration of state-society relations during and after the war. This is related to the role of state institutions in perpetrating violence, and the degree of trust and legitimacy these institutions have. Post-war policies can institutionalize corruption and incorporate criminal elements into the state. This can lead to an unequal distribution of vulnerabilities, participation in illicit economies, and to the militarization of whole sections of society.
  1. The last mechanism relates to the impact of war economies and militarization on identity formation and socialization between groups. These dynamics produce vulnerable subjects against whom the use of violence is normalized, and become the cultural basis of different forms of exploitation during and after the war. Social structures of gender, class, age, race, and ethnicity influence vulnerability.

Inclusive and Sustainable Approaches to Long-Term Peace

These findings highlight the need to overcome fixed categorizations of human trafficking toward a deeper consideration of the global, regional, and local processes of marginalization that make exploitation possible everyday. In turn, a broader conception of trafficking phenomena helps reveal structural conditions that institutionalize violence in local contexts, promoting more comprehensive approaches to peace and development.

Current peacebuilding strategies and approaches to human trafficking have largely focused on individual criminal prosecution, and prioritized short-term stability over the identification of the root causes of the phenomenon (Benson, Fischer and Thomas, 2008, p.39). More recent critical approaches stress the need to consider human trafficking as part of broader societal imbalances and complex economies of violence (Blazek, Esson and Smith, 2019). 

Long-lasting peace must come from prioritizing the needs of the people living on the margins of post-war societies. It requires adopting regional approaches to peace, given the pervasiveness of violence, and especially human trafficking, across borders. An analysis of vulnerabilities as embedded in historical, socio-political, and economic settings should guide the creation of informed solutions. This approach will help reframe the concepts of ‘peace’ and ‘transition,’ not just as the absence of armed confrontations, but as deeper, more comprehensive processes reshaping social relationships after crises (Väyrynen, 2019). As Cockburn (2010) suggests, peace cannot happen without more equal economic arrangements, inclusive political systems, and just gender, age, racial, and ethnic relations. 

To achieve this transformation, peace processes must be inclusive, considering local-level complexities and how different groups are impacted by transition. In particular, tackling the reproduction of violent structures that enable exploitation is crucial to preventing trafficking patterns. Accordingly, policies addressing human trafficking should shift from hard-hand approaches toward comprehensive actions redressing the structural conditions making it possible (Suchland, 2015).

Keywords: Guatemala, trafficking, human trafficking, peace, violence, gang violence, civil war, conflict, conflict resolution, gangs

Achieving peace-positive climate adaptation in the Philippines’ Bangsamoro Region

By
Jon H. Gaviola and Laurence L. Delina
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Lake Lanao, located in the Bangsamuro region, photo by PeterParker22 via Wikipedia.

The Bangsamoro region of the Philippines’ Mindanao island has long been the center of violent conflicts stemming from deep historical, political, economic, and cultural issues. The Moro people have sought autonomy due to past injustices and ongoing marginalization. Their pursuit of peace is further complicated by political power struggles, economic disparities, and identity challenges. Climate change intensifies these difficulties by increasing the severity and frequency of extreme weather events, which exacerbate issues such as inequality, exclusion, poor governance, and human rights violations – root causes of ongoing violence.

Climate change presents a serious risk to the region’s agricultural sector, a key pillar of its GDP. The effects include a rise in pests, reduced crop yields, and diminished income for smallholder farmers. In 2024, multiple provinces were designated as being in a state of emergency due to the El Niño phenomenon, resulting in damages to crops and livestock worth at least 1.4 billion Philippine pesos. Projections indicate that these effects will intensify, with recent climate models predicting drier conditions by 2050.

To tackle the dual challenges of violent conflicts and climate change, we embraced the concept of peace-positive climate adaptation, initially proposed by peacebuilding experts Dan Smith and Janani Vivekananda of International Alert. This approach connects climate adaptation to peacebuilding goals. Its objective is to strengthen the resilience of the Bangsamoro communities by incorporating conflict sensitivity and peacebuilding principles into climate adaptation initiatives. We present four key recommendations.

  1. Climate-responsive social and livelihood protection measures

Enhancing social protection initiatives like the Pantawid Pamilyang Pilipino Program (4Ps), which offers cash assistance to low-income families, is vital. These initiatives can be modified to better respond to extreme weather threats by creating flexible systems that can be swiftly scaled during climate disasters. Furthermore, implementing climate risk insurance will safeguard farmers from crop losses, boosting their resilience and supporting sustainable development. By providing starter packs for new income-generating activities and accessible micro-loans, we can empower low-income and vulnerable families to achieve asset and income growth. 

  1. Climate-resilient farming techniques

Promoting the use of certified seeds and stress-resistant crop varieties is crucial for crops to endure extreme weather. It is also vital to ensure access to high-quality fry and fingerlings for aquaculture projects. Developing irrigation systems that can adapt to climate variability, along with efficient water management technologies, will help lessen the effects of climate change. Providing farmers with timely and precise weather and climate updates will enable them to plan cropping seasons and prepare for adverse weather events. Emphasizing high-value crops with strong export potential and adopting integrated farming systems will optimize land utilization.

  1. Capacity-building for local, peace-promoting climate adaptation offices

Bolstering local disaster risk reduction and management offices is essential for improving community resilience. A decentralized strategy for peace-positive climate adaptation will empower local governments to tackle climate-fragility risks efficiently. It is also crucial to create long-term peace-positive climate adaptation plans supported by the local disaster risk reduction and management fund.

  1. Conflict-sensitive approaches

To ensure that climate adaptation measures are sensitive to conflict, it is essential to recognize possible sources of conflict in communities. Involving communities in planning and decision-making enhances public impact and fosters support. Embracing the “do no harm” principle guarantees that adaptation initiatives do not adversely affect or obstruct the positive developments within Bangsamoro communities.

Addressing climate adaptation in the Philippine Bangsamoro is critical due to the dual threats of climate change and ongoing violent conflicts. Our recommendations propose integrating conflict sensitivity and peacebuilding principles into climate adaptation strategies to strengthen the resilience of Bangsamoro communities and their livelihoods. It is essential for both regional and local governments to actively participate in the intricate process of climate adaptation in these vulnerable areas, ensuring that implementation is sustainable, transparent, accountable, and efficient. This strategy not only tackles the immediate challenges posed by climate change, but also fosters enduring peace and stability across the region.

Keywords: climate adaptation, climate change, Philippines, peace, peace-positive, conflict, conflict resolution, Bangsamoro

This Week in Peace #76: March 28

By
Tara Abhasakun
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Gazans protest against Hamas, screenshot from CNN video.

This week, peace fragile after South Sudan’s first vice president is arrested. Israelis and Palestinians protest for peace. Will Ukraine and Russia’s Black Sea ceasefire hold out?

Peace Fragile After South Sudan’s First Vice President Arrested

South Sudan’s peace is in a fragile state after the country’s First Vice President Riek Machar was arrested on March 26. Machar is the long-time rival of President Salva Kiir. In a video address, opposition spokesperson Pal Mai Deng said that Machar was being confined by the government, and that his life was “at risk.” 

The United Nations Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS) chief Nicholas Haysom said in a statement that the country’s leaders “stand on the brink of relapsing into widespread conflict or taking the country forward towards peace, recovery and democracy in the spirit of the consensus that was reached in 2018 when they signed and committed to implementing a Revitalized Peace Agreement.” UNMISS called on all parties to exercise restraint. 

This development comes after, on March 5, South Sudanese forces arrested the country’s oil minister, along with several senior military officials allied with Machar. Puok Both Baluang, another spokesperson for Machar, told Reuters that oil minister Puot Kang Chol and deputy head of the army Gabriel Doup Lam were arrested, and that all other senior military officials allied with Machar were put under house arrest. On March 6, forces arrested the country’s peacebuilding minister Stephen Par Kuol.

South Sudan experienced a civil war in 2013 between Machar and President Salva Kiir. Kiir accused Machar of plotting against him, and Machar was removed as vice president. This led to brutal violence between armed groups supporting both figures. In 2018, a peace deal was agreed upon, however, many issues remain. Although the agreement ended a five-year civil war that killed over 400,000 people, talks stalled after Kiir sacked the former government delegation to the talks. 

Israelis and Palestinians Protest for Peace

After the ceasefire between Israel and Gaza collapsed, Israelis and Palestinians are both protesting for peace. On March 25, hundreds of Palestinians in Gaza protested against the ruling Hamas government. Demonstrators chanted, “Out out out, Hamas get out,” and, “We want to end the war.”

The protests came just three days after, on March 22, over 100,000 people in Israel took to the streets of Tel Aviv, Jerusalem, and other cities, to demand a deal between Israel and Hamas to release the remaining hostages, NPR reported. Demonstrators called for new elections, and accused Israel’s government of working against its people.

Palestinians and Israelis have both suffered massively from the war since October 7, with over 1,200 people killed in Israel, and nearly 50,000 Palestinians killed in Gaza, according to the strip’s health ministry. 

Will Ukraine and Russia’s Black Sea Ceasefire Hold Out?

On March 25, international media reported that Ukraine and Russia had agreed to a naval ceasefire in the Black Sea after separate talks with the US in Saudi Arabia. The White House said that both countries had agreed “to ensure safe navigation, eliminate the use of force, and prevent the use of commercial vessels for military purposes in the Black Sea.”

Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky confirmed in a news conference that Ukraine had agreed to stop using force in the black sea, however, the Kremlin released a statement with several conditions for signing up to the agreement, CNN reported. 

Russia says that it will only agree to the deal if restrictions on its agricultural exports imposed by the US and European Union are lifted. The Kremlin said it wouldn’t agree to the deal unless its state agriculture bank and other financial institutions involved in food and fertilizer trade were reconnected to the international payment system Swift. Swift’s headquarters are in Belgium, and the US would have to press European regulators to agree, The New York Times reported. 

Meanwhile, the White House said in a statement that it would “help restore Russia’s access to the world market for agricultural and fertilizer exports, lower maritime insurance costs, and enhance access to ports and payment systems for such transactions.”

Ukraine said that Russia launched a drone strike against the Ukrainian Black Sea port of Mykolaiv just hours after the White House announced that both countries had agreed to the ceasefire.

These developments come after last week, Russia and Ukraine made minimal progress in peace. While Ukraine agreed to a 30-day ceasefire with Russia, Russian President Vladimir Putin has rejected a full and immediate ceasefire, merely agreeing to halt attacks on energy infrastructure following a phone call with US President Donald Trump on March 18. Hours after the phone call, the two countries had already accused each other of launching air attacks that caused fires and damaged infrastructure. 

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