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Women’s indigenous institutions are key in South Sudan’s national peacebuilding

Why a women’s indigenous institution (Honyomiji) in national peacebuilding?

South Sudan continues to be featured in international news headlines, most recently in reports about renewed peacebuilding efforts. In May 2024, talks began between the South Sudanese government and rebel groups. These talks were not part of the 2018 agreement ending five years of civil war. The conflict left around 400,000 people dead. The talks resulted in a “commitment declaration” for peace (the content of which has not been released to the public). However, the situation remains precarious. South Sudan’s first Vice President Riek Machar has recently raised concerns about the process. One striking aspect of the negotiated settlement is that men– male politicians, negotiators, and facilitators, dominate it. This raises an important  question: How would the peace process look like, and what would its outcomes be, if it was led by women? Given the extreme fragility of the peace process, will South Sudan ever experience long-term stability and peace?  

My recently published book, Indigenous Peacebuilding in South Sudan, engages this question by looking at the involvement of women in peacebuilding projects at a grassroots community level. In this article, I will share some of my key findings, and I will demonstrate that women’s traditional institutions’(Honyomiji) roles, and obligations such as leadership, education, and social support, are crucial in promoting peace in the intra-ethnic, inter-ethnic settings. I argue that female inclusion in national peace initiatives are core to the delivery of sustainable forms of peace and reconciliation in South Sudan.

Is there such a thing as a women’s traditional institution suitable for national peacebuilding?

Honyomiji is a central female institution. Honyomiji is a term applied to indigenous female leadership, something widely practised by a dozen ethnic groups in South Sudan. Historically, a few Nilotic ethnic groups such as the Lotuho, Lukoya, and Lango, practised the Honyomiji leadership system, and other groups such as the Dinka, Nuer, and Acholi, have adopted the system. The male equivalent of Honyomiji is known as Monyomiji, which means “the owners or fathers of the village.” 

As an institution obligated to protect the community, Honyomiji encourage revenge and initiate cattle raids. Alongside these activities, the Honyomiji encourage men to go to war by publicly singing war songs and chanting words of bravery, which incite men to act. However, alongside these combative and defensive activities, the Honyomiji is also a space to solve problems and resolve conflicts.  My work shows that within Honyomiji, women take on a whole series of vital activities including: supporting family decision-making, bringing the family together, providing moral instruction for children, and settling inter-ethnic disputes. Women also develop methods for peacebuilding including, arbitration, adjudication, negotiation, and mediation, which are essential to the institution of Honyomiji. After decades of war and the breakdown of central state authority, indigenous peacebuilding methods and grassroots institutions such as Honyomiji have become increasingly important in resolving diverse disputes and fostering a sense of connection and belonging between refugees, returnees, and ‘stayers.’ In this way, a vital task of the Honyomiji is to maintain the community’s history, cultural awareness, and sense of political, social, and economic independence. My findings show that this institution is primarily responsible for the leadership, education, and social support of the whole community, which are key aspects in fostering peace. 

What role have Women/ Honyomiji played in peacebuilding?

Leadership: Honyomiji local-level leadership has been crucial in ending conflicts between different ethnic groups, as well as smaller conflicts at the level of the family and the village. My work demonstrates that women leaders within the Honyomiji system organise other women, facilitate, train, and make decisions. In strengthening their communities, these indigenous leaders also play a vital role as storytellers and ceremonial leaders. For instance during the Sudan Second Civil War, local-level peace conferences Wunlit, that took place at Wunlit Village women leaders led others in singing peace songs and storytelling. Their contribution to Wunlit led to relative peace for nearly a decade. 

Education: Honyomiji institution encourages women to promote indigenous knowledge in their families’ children’s upbringing, including conflict prevention, conflict management, and peacebuilding techniques and behaviours. Based on a close-knit community ethos, this localised form of community education prioritizes physical, artistic, creative, moral, mental and spiritual development of children, in comparison to narrow professional skills. In this education system, values critical for peacebuilding are transmitted, the most essential being honesty, respect, property rights, the cherishing of nature, hard work, generosity and self-reliance. My work demonstrates that this contextual nature of knowledge is foundational for sustainable peacebuilding at national levels.

Social support: Many decades of war have ruined peace and stability within many South Sudanese communities. However, Honyomiji promotes social solidarity and belonging, and suggests an alternative route to reconciliation, peace and social development. My work demonstrates that women, under the Honyomiji system, are able to provide a range of informal social and economic support, maintain strong families, and model essential values for local reconciliation and inter-ethnic co-existence. However, Honyomijis go much deeper, working at the level of kinship. Under the values of Honyomiji, social support is expected, not only from within families, but the norms of respect and co-existence extended into the public terrain of political leadership as well. Thus, a network of mutual care and obligation covers both political and private realms, ensuring that everyone can access the most basic needs, e.g., food and healing herbs. 

Sustainability in providing social support for effective peacebuilding is only possible where people share a common socio-cultural, national, or civic bond. For example, at the Wunlit peace-making conference in 1999, the Dinka and Nuer women and their children contributed firewood, water, cooked food, and participated in the Mabior ceremonial cleansing ritual. Due to their leadership, educational and social support role, Honyomiji remains an essential asset in conflict prevention, peace-making, and post-war peacebuilding, reconstruction and development in South Sudan.

From Conflict to Hope: The Afghan Entrepreneur Empowering Women

After the collapse of the republican system in Afghanistan in August of 2021, many women employed in organizations, offices, and companies lost their jobs. These women, who were often responsible for supporting their families, faced severe economic hardships. In the fourth quarter of 2022, female employment was estimated to fall 25 percent lower versus the second quarter of 2021, before the Taliban took over, according to the International Labour Organization (ILO). Ghulam, a resident of Ghazni province, saw an opportunity amidst these challenges. 

With the country emerging from 40 years of conflict, he believed that creating job opportunities could contribute to peace and stability. His vision was to help unemployed women while also benefiting by starting a small factory that produced tomato paste.

Despite the Taliban’s severe restrictions on women, Ghulam moved forward with his plan. He launched the factory in Ghazni, and for the first time, produced 350 kilograms of tomato paste. His efforts quickly grew, and now, the factory employs 11 women. “The hopes of 11 families are tied to this factory,” he proudly told Peace News Network (PNN). Though the road has been difficult, Ghulam remains hopeful that his work will expand. “Things are not going well, but I continue with optimism. After the devastation of war, Afghans need to come together in peace to build a better future,” he added.

Photo by Khan.

Ghulam is also encouraged by the improved security in Ghazni, a province once ravaged by war. “There used to be fierce fighting here. In 2015, the Taliban overran the provincial capital for the first time in 14 years. Military personnel were always on the streets, and life was unpredictable. Now, there’s peace, and it’s possible to work,” he said. However, he acknowledged that economic conditions remain poor, with high unemployment and low incomes. “I hope the economic situation will improve, and my business will grow. I aim to create job opportunities for more women so they can support their families,” he explained.

Speaking about his factory’s operations, Ghulam expressed satisfaction, even though there hasn’t been significant progress. “We produce 1,200 bottles of tomato paste daily during the three-month tomato season. We buy tomatoes from Afghan farmers, which helps the local economy. Small businesses like mine play a vital role in peacebuilding,” he said. However, he noted a major challenge—competition from Iranian tomato paste in the market. “Our market is small, and many people use Iranian products. If we receive help with marketing, we can provide more jobs and grow the business.”

Ghulam is also calling on the government to support local industries. “A major obstacle is the lack of a good location for factories. We need a well-organized industrial park where we can produce high-quality goods and create more jobs,” he urged. His plea is clear: to boost both the economy and peace, the government must provide infrastructure and market opportunities for small businesses.

One of the factory workers, Karishma, 33, expressed her gratitude for the job. “I’m happy I’ve been given this opportunity. I want to learn and eventually start my own factory, where I can employ more women. Women are facing many economic challenges, and the government and factory owners should focus on providing us with job opportunities,” she said.

Photo by Khan.

Bilal, another worker, echoed her resilience. “I’m glad there is work, and we can earn some money, but we need more job opportunities to improve our lives. Better markets will also help improve our work,” he commented, emphasizing the importance of peace for development.

Factories like Ghulam’s are often supported by organizations working on livelihood projects for Afghanistan’s oppressed people. However, a common issue is that equipment is sometimes given to individuals without the necessary skills, leading to misuse and wasted resources.

Najib, an economic expert from Kabul University, discussed the broader challenges facing Afghan businesses. He noted that few people are willing to invest in the country due to uncertainties about profitability. “Many are unsure if their investments will succeed, but I believe the current environment is suitable for business. Afghans should buy locally produced goods to support investors and create job opportunities,” he advised. He also warned that Afghan businesses struggle to compete with foreign imports. “Afghans can establish small and medium-sized businesses, but they’re afraid of losing their investments due to competition from neighboring countries. We need a system where people won’t lose their capital, and the Ministry of Commerce should clearly identify which sectors need investment,” Najib explained.

Encouraging investors is a key part of the peacebuilding process. While the Ministry of Commerce and the Taliban’s government have repeatedly called on people to invest in Afghanistan, Najib pointed out that no surveys have been conducted to determine where investments are most needed and where local products can compete with foreign goods.

Photo by Khan.

Recently, a seven-day exhibition in Kabul showcased Afghan-made products, with domestic investors struggling to compete. Sayed, an advisor to the Afghanistan Chamber of Commerce, observed that Afghan products face stiff competition from imports from countries like Pakistan, Iran, and China. “Small Afghan factories cannot compete with foreign products because of their better packaging and sometimes higher quality. This makes it difficult for local businesses to find their place in the market,” Saedi noted. However, he praised initiatives like Ghulam’s factory, adding, “What Ghulam has done is a very good initiative, but the government needs to reduce foreign imports to give domestic products a chance.”

For Ghulam and many like him, peace is more than the absence of war. It’s about creating opportunities for Afghans to build better lives.

As Ghulam’s factory grows, the women who work there are not only earning a living but are contributing to a future where peace is sustained by economic stability.

This Week in Peace #56: November 1

This week, is a ceasefire coming to Israel and Lebanon soon? Nigeria and US join forces to support peace structures. World March for Peace and Non-Violence visits Pakistan.

Is a ceasefire coming to Israel and Lebanon soon?

The war between Israel and Lebanon might be coming to a ceasefire soon, according to Lebanon’s caretaker prime minister Najib Mikati. After speaking with US envoy Amos Hochstein on the phone, Mikati said in a televised interview with Al Jadeed that Hochstein, “suggested to me that we could reach an agreement before the end of the month and before 5 November” (the US election date)” 

Lebanon’s health department says the war has killed over 2,790 people since October 8 last year.  Most of those deaths have been reported in the last five weeks, and officials say more than a million people have been displaced, Sky News reported. 

In the attacks by Hamas against Israel on October 7 last year, Hamas killed around 1,200 Israelis. In the past year, 777 Israeli soldiers have been killed in Gaza and Lebanon.

Last month, the United Nations said in a statement that Israeli tank fire had wounded two peacekeepers at the headquarters of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) in Naqoura. The statement also noted that escalation was causing “widespread destruction” of towns and villages in Lebanon’s southern region. 

Nigeria and US join forces to support peace structures

Nigeria and the US are joining forces to support peace structures. The initiative, named Peace Action for Rapid and Transformative Nigeria and Early Response Partner (PARTNER), is led by the Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution (IPCR), and funded by USAID. 

At a national stakeholder engagement on Tuesday, the Director General of the Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution (IPCR), Joseph Ochogwu, said the initiative’s nature was to bring together national, international and local entities to promote social cohesion and prevent violence. 

PARTNER aims to empower communities with tools to monitor and report early signs of conflict, Daily Trust reported. Ochugwu said that PARTNER, which operates in nine states, has used digital tools to enable 100 active reporters and 63 responders to document 363 conflict-related incidents.

Last month, there was another important development in peace in Nigeria. Mercy Corps hosted a two-day youth dialogue in Nigeria’s Katsina State on Wednesday to foster awareness and promote Youth Peace and Security (YPS). To learn more, read here.

World march for peace and non-violence visits Pakistan

The World March for Peace and Non-violence 2024-2025 stopped by Pakistan from October 26-31. The march first launched in 2009 in 400 cities across the globe. This week, members of the World March for Peace visited Lahore and Karachi.

Modern Diplomacy reported that in Karachi, the March engaged with local civil society organizations, students, and peace activists to promote the values of nonviolence and tolerance. Participating in the march allowed Pakistani activists to connect with international activists for potential future collaboration.

Pakistanis have recently been standing up for peace against terrorism. Thousands of Pakistanis demonstrated for peace on October 21 in the city of Bannu, located in the country’s northwestern region. The rally came after several Taliban attacks in Bannu this year, with the most recent attack occurring the previous week. To learn more, read here.

Third autumn of the full-scale Russia-Ukraine war. Are we closer to peace than ever?

As Russia’s war against Ukraine has evolved into a prolonged military conflict with significant casualties on both sides, the prospect of peace negotiations is increasingly viewed by experts and citizens in Ukraine, Russia and Europe as the only viable solution to end the hostilities. Both Ukrainian and international media interpret Ukrainian President Zelenskyy’s recent statement, “We are closer to peace than we think,” as an indication of Ukraine’s growing willingness to engage in negotiations—an option he previously rejected. However, the diversity of existing peace initiatives and the lack of consensus surrounding them, along with the unsuccessful Minsk Peace talks that preceded the full-scale war, greatly hinder the prospects for peace. Most importantly, the profound distrust between the conflicting parties creates a significant obstacle to long-term peace. 

Currently, there are several peace initiatives and diplomatic efforts aimed at ending the war. Suggested by President Zelenskyy, Ukraine’s Peace Formula embraces ten points, ranging from broad and at least partly depoliticized themes, such as nuclear safety, energy and food security, to the withdrawal of Russian troops from Ukraine’s territory and the restoration of the country’s territorial integrity. On 15-16 June 2024, Switzerland hosted the Summit on Peace in Ukraine, where over seventy countries and five international organizations supported this Peace Formula. Though attending the summit, several important Global South countries, such as India, Brazil, Saudi Arabia and South Africa, refrained from endorsing the final declaration, and China did not attend the summit.

At the same time, China and Brazil are pushing for their own six-point plan to stop the war. This plan does not offer a specific solution to the conflict but rather paves the way to negotiations. It argues for de-escalation, emphasizes political settlement, as well as warns against the use of weapons of mass destruction, especially nuclear weapons, and attacks on peaceful nuclear facilities. The plan also contains (a rather vague) point, saying that “dividing the world into insulated political or economic groupings should be opposed”. Subsequently, Brazil and China call for enhancing international cooperation in multiple domains, including energy, trade and finance. Though the China-Brazil Plan partly intersects with the Ukraine Formula (e.g. in part related to nuclear safety), it was criticized by Zelenskyy, calling it a ‘half-hearted settlement plan’, due to the absent focus on restoring Ukraine’s territorial integrity. Switzerland recently became the first European country to support the China-Brazil plan, alongside its support for Zelenskyy’s initiative. 

Russia’s response to these peace efforts leaves little hope for a quick start of official negotiations. Russia rejected the Ukraine’s Peace Formula, alongside the invitation to the next Peace Summit. Instead, President Putin stated that the Kremlin would be willing to end the war if Ukraine cedes the entirety of the Luhansk, Donetsk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson regions—of which only Luhansk is fully under Russian control—and abandons its plans to join NATO. The Kremlin has so far not reacted to the China-Brazil Plan, although it has indicated its overall readiness to negotiate with Ukraine.

The lack of trust between the conflicting parties over long-term peace is also based on a decade of failed negotiations before the 2022 full-scale invasion. This was manifested in the Minsk Peace Process between 2014 and 2022 that aimed to resolve the Donbas conflict. The Minsk I and Minsk II agreements froze the Donbas war, but didn’t resolve it. The experience of frozen conflict, negotiations deadlock, and lasting Russian control of parts of Ukraine’s Donetsk and Luhansk regions make Ukrainian leadership extremely cautious that negotiations won’t lead  to a resolution, but rather only to a ceasefire and/or freezing the contact line. Based on this past experience, the main fear for Ukraine is that  any settlement now would only be used by the Kremlin as a break in military actions to rearm and prepare for the next attack. For Russian leadership, the Minsk Peace Process can be also seen as a failure of their coercive diplomacy strategy. This partly explains their eagerness to obtain territorial concessions from Ukraine early on, rather than engage into another decade of negotiations which in their view would be fruitless.

The decade-long conflict, which escalated into the largest war in Europe since World War II, has thus resulted in significant mutual animosity and a drastic decline in trust between the parties involved. The experience with the Minsk Peace Process has further entrenched these divisions, making resolution increasingly challenging. Unless the parties have the genuine will to negotiate and – independently or through a mediator – agree on and abide by minimum pre-negotiations and confidence-building steps, the proliferation of a peace initiative will not lead to peace.

Cameroon celebrates national dialogue anniversary, but critics say outcomes remain unmet

Five years ago, Cameroon organized a major national dialogue to resolve the country’s Anglophone crisis – an armed conflict that killed hundreds, displaced thousands,  involved sexual violence against women, and forced many children to leave school. The dialogue brought together thousands of Cameroonians to chart a path towards lasting peace. However, the lack of social cohesion, as well as inadequate inclusion and trust-building measures cast doubts on its outcomes. President Biya, the main dialogue convener, was noticeably absent throughout the process. Key separatist leaders at home and abroad also boycotted discussions. The absence of these key stakeholders has been a point of contention, fuelling doubt about the dialogue’s effectiveness. 

Dozens of resolutions were reached during the national dialogue, including the adoption of the special status for the Northwest and Southwest regions, the restoration of the house of chiefs, and rapid reintegration of ex-combatants into the society among others. Presidential decree No. 2020/136 created a follow-up committee on the implementation of dialogue resolutions on March 23, 2020.  Since then, the Prime Minister of Cameroon Joseph Dion Ngute has led efforts and chaired different dialogue implementation meetings, such as the one held in Buea in 2023, to evaluate the progress of implementing the dialogue’s outcomes. Yet influential civil society organisations in Cameroon continue to call for a more inclusive national dialogue amid these efforts.  

On Friday, October 4th, 2024, the TV channel of the Presidency of the Republic of Cameroon, PRC TV, organized a debate entitled “President Paul BIYA, the Grand National Dialogue, and the Resolution of the Crisis in the North-West and South-West regions.” The aim of the debate was to analyze efforts towards implementing dialogue outcomes during the premier edition of  “Face à la République” (Nation on Stage), focusing on government efforts in Cameroon’s hyped national dialogue. Notwithstanding the hype, influential opposition leaders in Cameroon lament the lack of political will in resolving the crisis, labeling government claims that everything is under control as false and misleading. A user on X (formerly Twitter), reacting to the TV show celebrating the fifth anniversary of the dialogue, described the analyses in the debate as a “deep faking reality.”

Persistent issues overshadow dialogue achievements celebration

Many people in the Northwest and Southwest regions of Cameroon continue to live in fear, despite claims by Biya and his supporters that the situation was under control. Armed separatists continue to demonstrate their strength, using threats to enforce lockdowns, as seen on October 1st, a supposedly “Ambazonia” independence day celebration. These events took place on the eve of the fifth anniversary of the major national dialogue. Civil society activists in the Anglophone regions have also argued that the decrease in violence intensity is a result of the lack of coordination among armed groups and a change in military strategy, rather than the effects of Biya’s national dialogue. Reacting to this celebration on X/Twitter, a former US Assistant Secretary of State for Africa commented, “On October 1, many Southern Cameroonians are commemorating Ambazonia’s 63rd ‘Independence Day’, when Southern Cameroons joined in a Federation with former French Cameroon. Once Ambazonians have a referendum and decide their own future, there will likely be a new date to celebrate.” The persistence of fear and insecurity in the Anglophone regions of Cameroon, despite the achievements of the national dialogue thus far, suggests that its outcomes have inadequately addressed the underlying causes of the conflict.

The granting of a special status to the two Anglophone regions, the creation of the house of chiefs, the establishment of a common law section at the National School of Magistracy, and the allocation of a budget for reconstruction are some measures that have been implemented and used to hype the dialogue process. Yet, the persistence of marginalization and the exclusion of meritorious individuals to fit into these structures in favor of Biya’s ruling party’s sympathizers have reinforced claims about the structural causes of the Anglophone crisis in Cameroon. Thus, for the implementation of dialogue outcomes to be successful, these issues must be adequately addressed.

Furthermore, the decentralisation process in Cameroon is still far from being realised even though a commission was specifically created to discuss this issue during the dialogue process. The issue of federalism, which many civil society groups have advocated for as a solution to the conflict, was considered a taboo topic during the dialogue. This has resulted in continuedinadequate political representation and inequitable distribution of resources. This explains why, amidst the fifth anniversary celebrations, civil society groups are still calling for a more inclusive dialogue with no taboo topics.

What Next? 

Though not directly connected to the national dialogue, the arrest of an influential separatist leader, Mr. Ayaba Cho Lucas, in Norway just days before the fifth anniversary celebration of the national dialogue sends a strong message to extremists and inciters of violence. Cho’s arrest might create a space for moderate voices within the separatist movement to come forward and engage in a peaceful dialogue process. This could serve as a catalyst for increased international engagement and pressure on Cameroon to facilitate a more inclusive and productive national dialogue.  

Friends of Cameroon in Africa and beyond should pressure the government and separatists for a more inclusive national dialogue. Such a process should include civil society, women, and other politically marginalized groups. This is crucial to avoid repeating the limitations of the 2019 dialogue, where participation and leadership of dialogue commissions was largely limited to members of Biya’s Cameroon People Democratic Movement (CPDM) party and some of its party sponsored civil society and women groups.