Home Blog Page 16

From Conflict to Collaboration: How Local Conventions Are Transforming Natural Resource Management and Supporting Peace in Central Mali

0
Photo provided by author.

Preventing and resolving conflicts over land and natural resources has become one of the major global challenges for peace, stability, and security in the Sahel, where pressure on resources has been intensifying for several decades under the combined effects of demographic growth, climate variability, and insecurity (Chebli, 2022; Tangara, 2024). Although natural resources are rarely the direct cause of violent conflict, competition over use often is an aggravating factor, exacerbating preexisting tensions linked to socio-economic inequalities, political marginalisation, and ecosystem degradation (Djohy and Crane, 2024).

Since the early 2000s, tensions have been particularly pronounced in areas where people’s livelihoods depend heavily on natural resources and where local institutions lack the capacity to manage equitably competing claims pertaining to land, grazing areas, water points, and fishing zones (Bouju, 2020).

In the Inner Niger Delta of central Mali, relationships between farmers, herders, and fishers are shaped by a complex and evolving environment. This vast wetland covering nearly 35,000 square kilometers, essential to the livelihoods of millions of people, is now under significant pressure due to climate variability, natural resource degradation, population growth, persistent insecurity, and the weakening of local institutions. These dynamics have profoundly altered socio-ecological balances and intensified tensions over access to land, water, and pastures.

Photo provided by author.

In this context, conflicts between farmers and herders are not driven solely by resource scarcity. They are also the result of social inequalities, asymmetric power relations, and governance systems that are insufficiently adapted to local realities. In response, endogenous regulatory mechanisms such as local natural resource management conventions have gradually emerged to organize access to resources and promote more peaceful relations among users.

When Local Governance Becomes a Lever for Peace

This study published in February 2026, conducted in three communes of the Mopti Region (Sio, Fakala, and Femaye), is based on a qualitative approach combining focus group discussions and interviews with key stakeholders: herders, farmers, fishers, women, youth, local authorities, and technical service providers.

The findings show that these conventions, developed through participatory and inclusive processes, provide a platform for dialogue among user groups that are often in conflict. Anchored in Mali’s decentralization legal framework, they enable the collective negotiation of rules governing access to and use of natural resources: clarifying agricultural field boundaries, demarcating transhumance corridors, organizing livestock passage periods, defining rights over flooded pastures (bourgoutières), and coordinating the management of fishing zones.

This co-production of rules strengthens their social legitimacy. As several participants emphasized, where mistrust and recurring tensions over natural resources once prevailed, local conventions have created spaces for mediation and dialogue that now prioritize discussion before conflict escalation.

Hybrid Institutions for Fragile Territories

Local conventions function as “hybrid” governance instruments, combining customary norms with formal mechanisms led by municipalities. They rely in particular on communal monitoring committees composed of community representatives, elected officials, and technical agents. These bodies play a central role in conflict prevention, user awareness, and adapting rules to changing conditions.

One key finding of the research is the growing integration of women and youth into these structures. Long marginalized from decision-making processes, they are increasingly becoming actors of mediation and social cohesion, contributing to more inclusive governance.

Photo provided by author.

Beyond regulating resource use, local conventions also promote ecosystem restoration particularly through the regeneration of bourgou, a forage grass essential for livestock feeding. Its restoration improves fodder availability, reduces livestock encroachment into crop fields, and supports food security. In doing so, local conventions help strengthen both ecological resilience and human security.

Lessons for Peacebuilding in the Sahel

The experience of the Inner Niger Delta demonstrates that peace cannot be built through security responses alone. It also depends on recognizing interdependencies among communities, valuing local knowledge, and establishing negotiated, co-designed rules adapted to ecological cycles and social realities.

Local conventions illustrate the potential of endogenous governance mechanisms to transform structural tensions into opportunities for cooperation. They show how sustainable natural resource management can become a powerful driver of dialogue, trust, and stability in contexts marked by institutional fragility and ongoing insecurity. 

However, for these dynamics to endure, sustained political commitment is essential, along with better coordination between local and national levels. Strengthening community ownership, building local government capacities, and integrating these approaches into public policies are key conditions for making local conventions genuine pillars of social peace.

In central Mali, the story unfolding is one of a gradual transition from conflict to collaboration a fragile yet hopeful trajectory for other Sahelian territories facing similar challenges.

Keywords: Mali, natural resource management, central Mali, Inner Niger Delta, local conventions, climate change, peace, conflict, conflict resolution, Africa

Keeping the Peace at the Polls: How Civil Society Works to Prevent Election Violence in Bangladesh

0
People Doing Business in a Market in Dhaka, photo by Fatih Turan via Pexels.

In Bangladesh, election season often brings both anticipation and anxiety. Campaign posters fill the streets, loudspeakers echo party slogans, and political rallies dominate public spaces. Yet beneath the visible energy lies a quieter tension. For many citizens, elections are not only civic events but also periods of uncertainty, shaped by a history of political clashes, intimidation, and at times, deadly violence.

Bangladesh most recently held its national election on February 12, a vote that once again placed questions of political competition, participation, and public safety at the forefront of national attention. While political parties and candidates dominated headlines, another group worked largely out of sight: civil society organizations committed to preventing violence before it erupts.

Their efforts rarely generate dramatic coverage. They do not seek power or public spectacle. Instead, they focus on safeguarding the conditions that allow democracy to function peacefully.

Since gaining independence in 1971, Bangladesh has held regular elections. But electoral politics have often been intensely polarized. Party loyalties can run deep, and competition is frequently framed in existential terms. In such an atmosphere, rumors spread quickly, rival rallies can turn confrontational, and small incidents may escalate.

“Elections here are not just administrative exercises,” said a Dhaka-based election observer from ​​Transparency International Bangladesh, who spoke to Peace News Network (PNN) on condition of anonymity. “They symbolize legitimacy and identity. That emotional weight can make them volatile.”

Civil society organizations approach elections differently. Their concern is not which party wins, but whether citizens can vote safely and whether political competition remains non-violent. They treat democracy as a process that must be protected from escalation.

One of the most visible roles civil society plays is election observation. Organizations such as Transparency International Bangladesh and Brotee train and deploy observers across districts. These observers monitor polling stations, document irregularities, and report incidents of intimidation or violence.

Their presence can act as a deterrent. “When actors know someone neutral is watching and documenting events, it changes behavior,” the Transparency International Bangladesh observer explained. “It may not prevent every incident, but it reduces impulsive actions.”

Monitoring often begins well before Election Day. Civil society groups conduct pre-election assessments, identifying districts with a history of clashes or intense rivalry. By mapping potential hotspots, they can encourage preventive dialogue and raise awareness among communities.

Beyond observation, many organizations rely on informal early warning systems. Networks of volunteers, journalists, and local activists report rising tensions, whether inflammatory speeches, threats, or clashes at rallies. This information allows civil society groups to respond before situations spiral.

A researcher affiliated with the legal aid and human rights organization Ain o Salish Kendra described the strategy, also speaking to PNN on condition of anonymity. “We look for patterns. If certain areas repeatedly show signs of escalation, we intervene through dialogue or public statements urging restraint,” the researcher said.

Documentation is another core function. Groups like Odhikar systematically record incidents of political violence and alleged abuses. Even when immediate accountability is uncertain, maintaining public records can discourage impunity.

“Documentation itself can be preventive,” the researcher from Ain o Salish Kendra said. “If people know their actions are being recorded, they may think twice.”

In politically tense environments, the act of recording and publishing verified information can serve as a counterweight to rumor and exaggeration.

Much of the most effective peace-building work happens quietly at the community level. Civil society organizations facilitate dialogue between rival local leaders, youth groups, and religious figures. In many areas, respected community members, teachers, elders, imams carry significant influence.

Civil society groups often act as conveners, creating neutral spaces where tensions can be addressed before they erupt. “After the election, people still have to live as neighbors,” said a human rights activist from Brotee working in northern Bangladesh, who also requested anonymity when speaking to PNN. “We remind them of that shared reality.”

Rickshaw Drivers In Dhaka Street Scene, photo by Tanha Syed via Pexels.

These efforts rarely appear in formal reports, yet they are often crucial in preventing localized disputes from spreading.

Journalists also shape election environments. Sensational headlines can inflame tensions, while careful reporting can prevent panic. Dhaka-based journalist Shafiqul Shuvo emphasized the importance of precision in election coverage. “If there’s a clash in one district, we avoid portraying it as nationwide chaos,” he said. “Language matters. It can calm or it can provoke.”

Civil society organizations sometimes conduct workshops on conflict-sensitive journalism, encouraging verification and responsible framing. In the digital era, misinformation spreads rapidly through social media. Rumors about ballot tampering or violence can trigger fear within minutes.

Monitoring and correcting false information has become part of violence prevention. The challenge lies in speed and coordination, as online narratives can outpace fact-checking efforts.

Despite their work, civil society organizations face significant obstacles. Bangladesh’s political polarization can undermine trust. Even neutral groups may be accused of bias, weakening their credibility.

Regulatory requirements and administrative scrutiny can limit mobility, especially in tense districts. Human rights defenders also face security risks. Observers and journalists sometimes encounter intimidation, discouraging participation in monitoring efforts.

Funding remains another challenge. Training observers nationwide, sustaining early warning networks, and supporting mediation initiatives require long-term resources. Yet funding cycles are often short-term and project-based. “Peace-building doesn’t start and stop with Election Day,” the Ain o Salish Kendra researcher noted. “It requires continuity.”

One difficulty in evaluating violence prevention is that success is often invisible. When no clashes occur, there is little public recognition. The absence of violence can be attributed to many factors, security deployments, political calculations, or chance. “How do you prove something didn’t happen because of your work?” the Transparency International Bangladesh election observer asked.

Yet, patterns suggest impact. Districts with strong observer networks and active mediation efforts have sometimes experienced quicker de-escalation of tensions. Polling stations with visible monitors often report calmer atmospheres.

Civil society cannot eliminate political conflict. But it can influence how conflict unfolds, whether through confrontation or restraint.

As Bangladesh looks ahead to future elections, civil society actors argue that violence prevention must be institutionalized rather than episodic. Long-term civic education, protection for journalists, and support for independent monitoring mechanisms are essential to sustaining peaceful competition.

Peace at the polls is not secured solely through security forces or legal frameworks. It is built through relationships, between neighbors, between observers and communities, between journalists and readers.

Election violence attracts attention because it is dramatic and immediate. Prevention, by contrast, unfolds quietly in training workshops, community dialogues, data collection, and carefully chosen words. Yet it is this steady, often unseen work that helps ensure elections remain civic exercises rather than flashpoints.

As campaign slogans grow louder and political rivalries intensify, civil society organizations across Bangladesh continue their efforts behind the scenes monitoring, mediating, documenting, and educating. Their work reframes democracy as a shared civic responsibility and seeks to ensure that the path to the ballot box remains a road to participation, not violence.

Keywords: Bangladesh, election, election violence, peace, human rights, voting, polls, organizations, conflict, conflict resolution, Dhaka

This Week in Peace #116: February 20

0
Geneva, Switzerland, photo via Wikipedia.

This week, Russia and Ukraine conclude peace talks unsuccessfully in Geneva. A ceasefire begins in eastern DRC. Nigerian president pledges renewed support for South Sudan peace process.

Russia and Ukraine Conclude Peace Talks Unsuccessfully in Geneva

On February 18, Russia and Ukraine concluded two days of unsuccessful peace talks in Geneva, Switzerland. A Ukrainian diplomatic source said that some progress was made on military issues, however, both Russia’s chief negotiator and Ukraine’s Volodymyr Zelensky indicated that the talks had been “difficult.”

Zelensky accused Russia of “trying to drag out” the peace process. He noted that the most contentious issues were the status of Russian-occupied territories in eastern Ukraine, and the future of the Zaporizhzhia nuclear power plant, which Russia currently controls.

Russia’s chief negotiator, Vladimir Medinsky, said the talks were “difficult but businesslike,” and that further rounds were planned.

A Ceasefire Begins in Eastern DRC

A ceasefire began in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) on February 18, based on the US-brokered peace deal signed in late 2025, in Washington DC between the DRC and Rwanda. 

DRC foreign minister Therese Kayikwamba Wagner attended the Munich Security Conference 2026, which took place from February 13 to 15. In an exclusive interview for DW, she said, “It’s not the first attempt. We will do everything to fulfill our commitments and hope the other side does the same.” 

The UN accuses Rwanda of supporting the M23 rebels in DRC, a charge Kigali denies. Rwandan President Paul Kagame did not attend the conference, however, he said “The conflict parties are M23 and the government of DR Congo. Rwanda is not a warring party.”

However, the same day the ceasefire began, Channel Africa reported that fighting between the rebels and DRC forces was continuing in villages in South Kivu province. 

Nigerian President Pledges Renewed Support for South Sudan Peace Process

Nigerian president Bola Tinubu is speaking out in support of the provisions of the revitalised agreement on the resolution of the conflict in South Sudan.

On February 15, Tinubu said, “We wish to specifically call on the government to consider the immediate and unconditional release from detention of the vice-president and other key opposition figures. It is also imperative to convene an all-inclusive South Sudan national dialogue and reconciliation forum. We call on all parties to engage constructively with authorities in the mediation process without preconditions.”

Tinubu added that the recent launch of the Regional Partnership for Democracy by Nigeria in collaboration with development partners was part of the country’s contribution to the resolution of the conflict in South Sudan and beyond.

This development comes as funding cuts are weakening desperately needed peacekeeping work in South Sudan. On February 10, UN peacekeeping chief Jean-Pierre Lacroix said cost-cutting measures have already reduced protection patrols by up to 40 percent in some areas, and as much as 70 percent where bases have closed. In Jonglei state, violence between Government forces and opposition elements has displaced more than 280,000 people, according to government sources.

After the country experienced a civil war in 2013 which killed over 400,000 people, South Sudan’s fragile peace has been deteriorating since 2025, despite a peace agreement signed in 2018. Amnesty International on May 28, 2025 reported that violence had killed 180 people between March and mid-April 2025 amid deepening divisions between President Salva Kiir and First Vice President Riek Machar. On September 21 2025, at least 48 people were killed and over 152 injured in fighting between South Sudan’s army and opposition forces in Burebiey. 

Keywords: Ukraine, Russia, Congo, DRC, South Sudan, peace process, ceasefire, peace, conflict, conflict resolution

Healing a Region: How Healthcare is Bringing Peace to Arauca, Colombia

0
MSF set up mobile clinics in villages affected by the conflict and where access to healthcare is insufficient. In this photo, a clinic was set up in the village of Laureles II, in Arauca. Photo by Santiago Valenzuela – MSF, used with permission.

Mariocy, a 39-year-old Venezuelan mother living in a rural area on the outskirts of Arauca’s capital, says she constantly faces obstacles when it comes to finding fairly paid work and accessing basic healthcare for her family. “For us Venezuelans it is difficult to get a job here,” she states in an interview with Médecins Sans Frontiéres (MSF). “In Arauca, we have received health only through mobile clinics of [humanitarian] organizations.” 

Arauca is located in northeastern Colombia and shares a border with Venezuela, making it a common destination for Venezuelan migrants and refugees. Since 2022, the region has frequently appeared in headlines due to armed conflict between the National Liberation Army (ELN) and dissident factions of the Central General State (EMC). The indirect experiences of the civilians impacted by this conflict, however, are rarely discussed in the media. For many residents, “peace” is not defined by ceasefires or negotiations, but by access to basic needs. Can a family move freely? Can a mother reach a clinic for her sick child without crossing dangerous territory? 

The crisis in Arauca is not only about battles and bullets. It is about how conflict seeps into daily routine. A recent analysis by the Global Protection Cluster identifies these urgent risks as the “illicit impediment and restriction of freedom of movement, confinement, and forced displacement.” The same report notes that as of 2023, 34% of the department’s population has been recognized as victims of the armed conflict, leaving thousands cut off from education, food, and especially basic medical needs. As Siham Hajaj, MSF’s head of mission in Colombia, tells Peace News Network (PNN), “For the communities caught in the middle of clashes between armed groups and for thousands of migrants, access to healthcare has been hampered by multiple effects associated with the armed conflict.” 

In Laureles II, MSF treated women with babies in their arms who had not  received a full course of vaccinations or who were suffering from stomach illnesses  due to poor water quality. Photo by Santiago Valenzuela – MSF, used with permission.

So where exactly do health and peace intersect? When families cannot move freely and experience limited access to primary medical care, health becomes a fault line that increases stress and mistrust. Services deteriorate, rumors spread, and worst of all, communities fracture. In a region heavily populated with displaced Venezuelan families, many are blamed for community hardships and become alienated. According to the Global Protection Cluster, Venezuelan families in Arauca are often denied services and face discrimination, including risks of gender-based violence and child recruitment. 

Reliable, inclusive healthcare does more than treat illness. It can function as social glue that softens community strain and transforms clinics into safe spaces for everyone. That is exactly what Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF) has been doing since March 2025. Rather than forcing patients to travel long distances through risky territory, MSF brings care to the rural, neglected, and conflict-affected municipalities of the department, including Tame, Arauquita, and Puerto Rondón. Hajaj says, “Between March 3 and November 13, 2025, [MSF] conducted 4,899 general medical consultations, 801 sexual and reproductive health consultations, 65 consultations for pregnant women, and 314 individual mental health consultations.” 

Between March and November 2025, Doctors Without Borders (MSF)  implemented a medical project in the department of Arauca, in northeastern  Colombia near the border with Venezuela. The work consisted of providing medical  and humanitarian care focused on settlements in the outskirts of the regional  capital, the city of Arauca, and in rural areas affected by the conflict (municipalities 
of Tame, Arauquita, and Puerto Rondón). Between March 3 and November 13,  MSF teams conducted 4,899 general medical consultations, 801 sexual and  reproductive health consultations, 65 consultations with pregnant women, and 314  individual mental health consultations. Photo by Guzmán Botella-MSF, used with permission.

While these numbers are impressive, the real impact becomes clear through the stories of those receiving care from MSF. “The children get sick all the time,” a pregnant Venezuelan mother who migrated to Arauca tells MSF. “I don’t have a [Temporary Protection Permit] or a card but thank God I was found by a foundation and they are the ones who are helping me with the consultations.” 

A mobile clinic and the accessibility to healthcare cannot end armed conflict. It can, however, create shared ground. Host communities and newcomers sit in the same waiting areas, rely on the same staff, and experience a rare form of fairness, where treatment is based on medical need. “Neutrality and independence,” says Hajaj, “allowed us to reach thousands of patients in areas affected by armed conflict.” 

This consistent, neutral healthcare strengthens social unity, reduces fear and exclusion, and rebuilds trust across divided communities. As Dr. Tedros Ghebreyesus, the Director-General of the World Health Organization (WHO), puts it, “There cannot be health without peace, and there cannot be peace without health.” Through its work in Arauca, Colombia, MSF has demonstrated that accessible healthcare is more than a service; It is a peace-building system that treats people as worth serving.

However, providing healthcare in Arauca and other regions scarred by violence remains extraordinarily difficult.  According to a WHO report on health systems recovery in fragile and conflict-affected situations, it is common for violence to damage infrastructure and clinics, drive health workers away, disrupt medical supplies, and prevent people from safely reaching care when they are unable or unwilling to reach facilities in insecure areas. When roads are blocked and shut down without warning, even basic services can be out of reach. In places where a clinic can close at the sound of gunfire, neutral healthcare becomes the thin line that allows care to keep moving forward.

Keywords: healthcare, health, Arauca, Colombia, peace, conflict, conflict resolution, Médecins Sans Frontiéres, World Health Organization, clinic, access

Fragmentation, Governance, and the Limits of Political Settlement and Peacebuilding in Libya

0
Tripoli's central business district, where many Libyan and international companies have offices. Photo by Abdul-Jawad Elhusuni via Wikipedia.

More than a decade after the 2011 uprising, peacebuilding in Libya remains severely hampered by political fragmentation, militarisation, and fragile state institutions. While the fall of the Muammar Qadhafi regime created openings for political pluralism, it also led to the collapse of central authority and the rise of multiple competing power centers. Instead of a clear post-conflict transition, Libya has experienced a prolonged crisis characterised by armed conflict, contested legitimacy, and external intervention (Lacher, 2014; UNSMIL, 2020). 

Although the October 2020 nationwide ceasefire helped reduce large-scale hostilities, it did not address the underlying fragmentation of authority that continues to obstruct a stable political settlement (UNSMIL, 2020). In this article, peacebuilding refers to the long-term process of re-establishing legitimate governance through security arrangements, functional institutions, accountable economic management, and credible justice mechanisms. Peacebuilding in Libya must therefore be understood not as a straightforward transition but as a long-term endeavour of negotiating authority, governance, and accountability within a fragmented political landscape. The collapse of the electoral roadmap, most notably the failure to hold the national elections scheduled for December 2021, has further entrenched contested legitimacy and extended the transitional period.  

A major obstacle to peacebuilding has been the inability to establish a unified security apparatus. Armed groups that arose during the 2011 conflict became deeply integrated into local governance and economic systems, often providing security, employment, and dispute resolution where effective state institutions were lacking. According to Wofram Lacher (2014), these groups developed divergent interests that resisted centralisation, hindering efforts at security sector reform. Militias became embedded political actors whose influence complicated state-building initiatives.

Research by the Clingendael Institute (2018) shows that security governance in Libya is highly localised. Municipal councils, community leaders, and informal power brokers often play a bigger role in maintaining order than national authorities. In some cases, locally negotiated arrangements and bottom-up approaches to peace have reduced violence more effectively than national political agreements (UNDP, 2023). This highlights a key challenge for peacebuilding: national-level agreements have limited impact if they do not engage with local governance structures that hold absolute authority on the ground.

The legitimacy of political institutions remains another vital issue. Since 2014, Libya has had competing governments, postponed elections, and repeated transitional arrangements. These developments have diminished public trust in official political processes and strengthened perceptions of elite control. The roadmap developed by the Libyan Political Dialogue Forum, under UN guidance, aimed to address this fragmentation by establishing a unified interim executive authority and a path toward elections (UNSMIL, 2020). However, implementation has been inconsistent, and political rivalry continues to hinder institutional stability.

Economic governance is closely tied to Libya’s conflict dynamics. The country’s dependence on hydrocarbon revenues, combined with weak oversight mechanisms, has enabled armed and political actors to exploit economic infrastructure for leverage. The World Bank (2025) reports that oil production shutdowns and blockades have regularly disrupted public finances, worsening economic hardship and hindering service delivery. These actions not only deepen grievances but also create incentives for ongoing conflict, as control over financial assets becomes a tool for political power.

The Natural Resource Governance Institute (2021) highlights that deficiencies in transparency and accountability in Libya’s oil and gas sector have reinforced elite competition rather than fostering national development. Peacebuilding efforts that neglect economic governance risk addressing only symptoms rather than the underlying drivers of instability. Improving public financial management, strengthening oversight institutions, and ensuring a fairer distribution of revenues are therefore essential components of sustainable peace.

International involvement has had a mixed impact on Libya’s peacebuilding process. While UN-led mediation has prevented large-scale escalation at crucial moments, external backing for rival factions has often worsened fragmentation. The European Council on Foreign Relations (2021) contends that competing foreign interventions have undermined diplomatic unity and diminished incentives for compromise among Libyan actors. Achieving sustainable peacebuilding requires moving away from externally driven power-broking and towards supporting inclusive, Libyan-led processes.

Human rights abuses and impunity create additional hurdles to peace. Reports by Amnesty International (2025) and Human Rights Watch (2025) document widespread violations, including arbitrary detention, enforced disappearances, and abuses by armed groups and security forces. The UN Independent Fact-Finding Mission on Libya concluded that ongoing impunity has entrenched cycles of violence and undermined chances for reconciliation (UN Human Rights Council, 2023). Peacebuilding efforts that focus on short-term stability over accountability risk increasing grievances and undermining the legitimacy of future institutions.

Transitional justice is therefore a vital yet underdeveloped pillar of peacebuilding in Libya. While accountability processes face political and security challenges, the lack of credible justice mechanisms weakens trust in state institutions and intensifies localised conflict. In practice, justice gaps are worsened by fragmented authority and the influence of armed actors over detention systems and local security arrangements, which restrict victims’ access to remedies and discourage reporting. A practical transitional justice approach, therefore, requires more than symbolic commitments: it must combine feasible domestic pathways (truth-seeking, reparations, vetting of perpetrators of violence, and institutional reform) with targeted international mechanisms that national processes cannot operate without external support. Addressing past abuses through a combination of national and international mechanisms remains essential for rebuilding social cohesion and restoring confidence in governance.

Peacebuilding in Libya faces challenges from fractured authority, contested legitimacy, economic exploitation, and deep-rooted impunity. Although local governance structures and international mediation have reduced violence in some areas, they have not addressed the underlying causes of the conflict. Achieving lasting peace will require ongoing efforts in institutional reform, economic transparency, and justice, as well as inclusive political processes that reflect Libya’s complex social and regional realities. Without addressing these core issues, peacebuilding efforts are likely to remain fragile and reversible.

Keywords: Libya, peacebuilding, governance, security, political, politics, conflict, conflict resolution, peace, Libyan, fragmentation