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This Week in Peace #101: October 10

By
Tara Abhasakun
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A camp for internally displaced people in Sudan, photo by USAID via Wikipedia.

This week, after two-year anniversary of October 7, is peace coming soon? International Criminal Court (ICC) finds Sudanese militia leader guilty of war crimes. Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) president appeals to Rwanda to stop M23 violence.

After the 2-Year Anniversary of October 7, is Peace Coming Soon?

This week saw the two-year anniversary of Hamas’s attacks against Israel on October 7, 2023. The attacks, and Israel’s war in the Gaza strip in response to them, have devastated Israeli and Palestinian societies with death, anger, and pain. Hamas’s October 7 attack killed around 1,200 people in Israel, while Israel’s war in Gaza has killed over 67,000 people according to Gaza’s health authorities.

Despite a 20-point peace proposal laid out by US President Donald Trump, it has remained unclear for the past week whether peace is coming soon. Hamas said it agreed to the hostage “exchange formula,” in Trump’s plan, providing certain “field conditions” are met. Among the key points that were still not entirely agreed upon was Israel’s demand that Hamas disarm. Another key point is Gaza’s future. Hamas indicated that it expects to have some future role in Gaza as part of “a unified Palestinian movement,” however, Trump’s plan states that the group will have no future role in the strip. Another contentious key point is the extent of Israel’s withdrawal from Gaza. 

On October 9, Trump announced that Israel and Hamas had agreed to the first phase of the plan, meaning that all of the hostages would be released “very soon,” and Israel would withdraw its troops to an agreed-upon line as the first steps toward peace. In a later statement, Trump said the hostages “should be released on Monday or Tuesday” of next week.

Israelis, Palestinians, and the international community will continue to watch the process unfold. 

ICC Finds Sudanese Militia Leader Guilty of War Crimes

The International Criminal Court (ICC) on October 6 found Sudanese militia leader Ali Muhammad Ali Abd-Al-Rahman “Ali Kushayb”, guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity. Kushayb was one of the leaders of Janjaweed, a government-backed group that terrorised Darfur, BBC reported.

During the trial, survivors recounted violence, including sexual violence, that Kushayb had given instructions for. Many Janjaweed fighters have morphed into the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), the paramilitary group fighting against Sudan’s army which the US has determined has committed a genocide.

Sudan’s civil war born out of a power struggle between Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) leader Abel Fattah al-Burhan and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti. The conflict has left the country in what US Secretary of State Antony Blinken has described as the “world’s largest humanitarian crisis, leaving over 25 million Sudanese facing acute food insecurity and over 600,000 experiencing famine.”

DRC President Appeals to Rwanda to Stop M23 Violence

The president of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) Félix Tshiseked on October 9 called on Rwandan President Paul Kagame to halt violence by the M23 armed group. 

At the European Union’s Global Gateway Forum in Brussels, Tshiked told Kagame in a speech “It is not too late to make it right. I’m using this forum to extend my hand to you, Mr. President, so that we can make peace. Today, we are the only two capable of stopping this escalation.”

The UN and DRC accuse Rwanda of supporting M23, which Rwanda denies. The head of the UN’s peacekeeping mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) reports a lack of genuine progress on peace in the country. On September 30, Bintou Keita, head of the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), said that despite peace agreements signed, peace is “still mostly a promise.” 

In June, DRC signed a peace agreement with Rwanda, and in July, the DRC government and the M23 rebel group signed a declaration of principle. In February, the UN Security Council adopted resolution 2773 calling for an immediate and unconditional cessation of hostilities. However, since June, MONUSCO has recorded around 1,087 civilians killed during violence in Ituri and North Kivu. Keita said, “and this toll is growing day by day.” Read more about the situation here.

Keywords: Israel, Palestine, Gaza, Trump peace plan, Sudan, DRC, Rwanda, Congo, M23, peace, conflict, conflict resolution

West Africa’s Youth Lead Peacebuilding in Cameroon, Ghana, and Nigeria

By
Mohammed Ibrahim
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YAPCEC Executive Director Bochum Samuel Bache 2nd right and other members during International Day of Peace celebrations. Source: YAPCEC.

Across West Africa, young people are no longer waiting on the sidelines of peace processes. From Cameroon to Nigeria and Ghana, youth-led organizations are demonstrating that young people are not just victims of conflict, but vital architects of peace.

Peace News Network (PNN) spoke to youth peacebuilders across the region, alongside institutional partners, to explore how their efforts are reshaping societies once divided by mistrust and violence.

Cameroon: From Conflict to a Culture of Peace

The Anglophone Crisis is an ongoing conflict in Cameroon between separatists seeking an independent Ambazonia, and the government. It began in 2016 after authorities violently suppressed peaceful protests against marginalization. The conflict has caused a major humanitarian crisis, displacing hundreds of thousands and forcing tens of thousands to flee the country.

For Bochum Samuel Bache, the Malingo Buea-based founder and executive Director of Youth Advocates for Peace and Community Empowerment Cameroon (YAPCEC), and director of Peace Academy, peacebuilding has been a lifelong commitment.

YAPCEC successfully organized and celebrated the 2024 International Peace Day in Buea, the Southwest Region of Cameroon. Source: YAPCEC website.

“Since 2016, with the outbreak of the crisis, many young people were not actually aware or engaging in anything concerning peacebuilding. But the challenges they face have now made them more aware of the consequences of the conflict that has destabilized their day-to-day functioning as well as their career advancement,” he told PNN. 

Through YAPCEC, which was officially registered in 2017, Bache and his team have concentrated on advocacy, capacity building, and policy engagement. These three areas allow the organization to meaningfully contribute at community, regional, and even international levels for peace, youth empowerment, good governance, and social development.

YAPCEC members and other participants of the International Day of Peace, photo by YAPCEC.

Despite successes, challenges remain. “Some institutions, communities, leaders, and even youth groups shy away from peacebuilding because of fear or suspicions that initiatives may represent government interests,” Bache admitted. However, he stressed that through the organization’s “objectivity, neutrality, and use of social media for transparency,” it has been able to build trust and sustain collaboration.

Expanding Beyond Cameroon

For Bache, YAPCEC’s impact has grown beyond national borders. The organization now has representatives in Ghana, Nigeria, Sierra Leone, The Gambia, Liberia, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).

He says YAPCEC will continue to amplify its voice by celebrating International Day of Peace. The cross-border presence, he said, is evidence of a “pan-African commitment” to peace that goes beyond local conflict resolution.

YAPCEC members and other participants of the International Day of Peace, photo by YAPCEC. 

The Peace Academy

In 2020, YAPCEC established the Peace Academy to institutionalize peace education. For the past five years, the organization has been training youth to be globally certified advocates for peace. Bache further explained that its vision is for the peace academy to become the peace center that will train leaders across the borders to help contribute for peace for a possible change in the society. 

Ghana: Football and Digital Dialogue as Tools for Peace

In Northern Ghana, rising conflicts between local farmers and nomadic Fulani or Fulbe herdsmen have led to loss of lives and property. The main cause is limited grazing land, prompting herders’ cattle to invade farmlands and destroy crops, escalating tensions.

The Fulani Youth Association of Ghana (FUYAG), led by its national president Ahmed Barry, has been at the forefront of redefining peace narratives around farmer-herder conflicts. Barry told PNN that traditionally, discussions around Ghana’s Fulani community, particularly on farmer-herder conflicts, were dominated by government officials and community elders. “FUYAG was founded to fundamentally shift this dynamic,” he said.

Dialogue meeting organized by FAYUG at Dimong, Northern Region between herders and farmers. Photo by FAYUG.

He said youth can communicate in ways that are relatable and trusted by their peers, while their deep cultural understanding allows them to navigate traditional structures respectfully.

He further explained that FUYAG’s flagship project, the Football for Peace & Digital Dialogue initiative, creatively used sport to bridge divides. The initiative, he said, gained international recognition because a 2022 WANEP-Ghana report on “Local Solutions to Farmer-Herder Conflicts” highlighted the initiative as a “best practice example of using sport and youth engagement to build social cohesion.” 

Barry said before and after each match, they held facilitated dialogues where young people from both sides could speak openly about their grievances, fears, and aspirations. They complimented this with a digital campaign using Facebook and WhatsApp, sharing stories and photos from the tournament with messages of unity, using hashtags like #OneCommunityGH and #GoalsForPeace. 

On the impact, he explains, “We organized a community football tournament, deliberately creating mixed teams of young Fulani herdsmen and local Akan farmers. Playing together fostered camaraderie and humanized the ‘other.’ In the six months after, authorities reported a 40% decrease in minor clashes,” Barry said.

But challenges persist. “When we enter a new community, we are often met with resistance from both sides,” Barry said. “Some farmers see us as advancing a Fulani agenda, while some in our own community accuse us of not defending Fulani interests strongly enough,” he added. 

Still, Barry is optimistic, saying that members of FUYAG see themselves as “architects of a new social contract,” one where the Fulani community is recognized not as a problem, but as an integral part of Ghanaian society.

Nigeria: Turning Youth Bulge into Peace Dividend

In Nigeria, apart from farmer-herders conflict in the North, South West, South East and North Central regions, there are also ethnic and religious related conflicts spread across the country which have claimed lives and properties.

Children and Young People Living for Peace (CYPLP), led by Executive Director Dennis Ekwere, views the country’s youth population as an asset. “We recognize the youth bulge as an advantage. Young people understand local problems deeply, and when actively involved, they are solutions. That is why we are stepping up to mediate conflicts, lead community discussions, and run campaigns that promote understanding and unity,” Ekwere told PNN. 

Children and Young People Living for Peace (CYPLP) shortly after one of their programs. Photo by CYPLP.

CYPLP has a three-pronged model to fight violent extremism: sport, digital campaigns, and community dialogues. Ekwere said its work inspires youth across West Africa by proving that young people are not simply victims or perpetrators, but effective architects of peace, using “homegrown and grassroots solutions.”

He added that the organization serves as a powerful, replicable model for young West Africans. One of their most successful projects was in northern Nigeria. “Through our ‘Building Positive Peace through Arts and Sport’ project, previously suspicious youth became teammates, reducing tensions and stereotypes. Shared activity proved to be a powerful way to make peace happen on the ground,”  Ekwere said. 

For Ekwere, the long-term vision is to transform the youth population into the nation’s core peace dividend.

Institutional Support: National Peace Council in Ghana

Youth-led efforts are increasingly supported by institutions. Felicia Fordjour Oppong, Programmes Manager at the National Peace Council, Ghana, highlighted the role of youth in peacebuilding. “We recognize the crucial role young people play in peacebuilding and work closely with them to amplify their voices and initiatives,” Felicia told PNN.

The Council provides training, funding access, and networking opportunities for youth groups. One notable collaboration is the Peace Sports Program, run with WANEP-Ghana. “This program has brought together youth from different backgrounds, fostering unity and a shared purpose,”  Fordjour Oppong said.

However, she cautioned that sustainability remains a challenge. “Youth-led organizations face limited funding, lack of capacity, and sustainability issues. Our role is to help bridge these gaps through capacity building and stronger networks.”

Keywords: West Africa, youth, peace, Ghana, Cameroon, Nigeria, conflict, conflict resolution, peacebuilding, youth peacebuilding

A Fragile Peace: Life in Bangladesh’s Chittagong Hill Tracts, 28 Years After the Peace Accord

By
Rafiqul Islam
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Boy Carrying Bags, Boalkhali, Chittagong Division, Bangladesh, photo by Niaz Sumon via Pexels.

For two decades, the lush, green hills of Bangladesh’s Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) were torn by a bitter conflict between Bangladesh’s military and Indigenous or Pahari groups, most notably the Parbatya Chattagram Jana Samhati Samiti (PCJSS). The military wing of the PCJSS fought from 1977 to 1997 against the army for Pahari rights to self-determination. Tens of thousands of Pahari people fled to India during this time, and Amnesty International reported in 2013 that an estimated 90,000 Pahari families remained internally displaced. In 1997, the Awami League government took a significant step toward resolving this conflict by signing a peace accord.

The 1997 Peace Accord was meant to end the violence, offering a promise of stability and reconciliation. But a generation later, the region lives in a state often described as a “violent peace.” While the large-scale armed conflict has ceased and guns have largely fallen silent, social and communal conflict continues to simmer just beneath the surface. Sporadic violence continues to erupt, causing harm to innocent people and perpetuating a cycle of fear and mistrust.

The heart of this ongoing tension lies in a dramatically changed demographic landscape. Since the 1970s, government-sponsored settlement programs brought hundreds of thousands of Bengali families from the plains of Bangladesh into the CHT, a region traditionally home to a dozen indigenous Pahari groups. What was once a predominantly Pahari area is now an almost equal mix of Bengalis and Paharis. This significant shift has created intense competition for the region’s most precious resource: land. Due to commercialization, the expansion of the tourism business, and the increasing population, land has become an extremely valuable and contested asset. Different groups—Pahari communities, Bengali settlers, corporations, and government entities—are now locked in a struggle for its possession and control. 

The accord promised to stop the fighting and establish a sustainable peace. “The accord was a beacon of hope,” says a community leader from Rangamati, speaking on condition of anonymity. “It promised to address land rights, reduce the military presence, and recognize our cultural identity. But for many here, those promises feel empty.” Despite the signing of the agreement, a truly stable and harmonious peace has yet to be established in the CHT, and clashes between groups continue to claim lives and victimize innocent people. For example, in September 2024, Bengalis in the CHT blamed Paharis for the death of a Bengali man, leading to widespread violence against Paharis.

The Accord’s primary success is undeniable: it ended a decades-long armed insurgency. Major combat operations ceased, creating a space for dialogue and development that was previously impossible. This cessation of open warfare is a crucial achievement that should not be overlooked.

However, research and local accounts indicate that the core provisions of the accord have been poorly implemented. The military remains deeply entrenched in the region, and land disputes are a daily source of friction. A recent survey of 400 Bengali and Pahari residents found that land grabbing by powerful elites is seen as a major cause of ongoing conflict, with 99% of Pahari respondents identifying it as a critical issue. The Land Commission, which was supposed to be formed immediately to resolve land conflicts, is still in its formative phase and remains inactive for unidentified reasons. This institutional paralysis is a primary source of frustration among the Pahari people, who had held lofty hopes and high spirits following the signing of the accord.

This intense competition over resources has bred deep social divisions. The same survey revealed a stark lack of trust between the communities. An overwhelming majority of both Bengalis and Paharis said they prefer to have neighbors from their own ethnic group and are more inclined to trust them. This indicates a sharp polarization between the Bengali and Pahari people. It is also important to note that intra-group polarization exists within the Pahari community itself, a dynamic that also contributes to paralyzing the peace process in the region.

This social polarization manifests in everyday life. Pahari respondents reported experiencing violence—including physical attacks, property destruction, and extortion—at much higher rates than their Bengali neighbors. Many live with a constant sense of vulnerability, worried for their family’s safety and their children’s future.

“We may live side-by-side, but we live in separate worlds,” explains a Bengali shopkeeper in Khagrachari. “There is little interaction, and that lack of connection makes it easy for misunderstandings to turn into conflicts.” Such testimonies present a clear picture of the persistent division and mistrust that characterizes relations between the groups in the CHT.

The situation in the CHT powerfully illustrates that signing a peace accord is only the first step. Building a lasting and meaningful peace requires actively rebuilding relationships and addressing the root causes of the conflict.

Local peacebuilders emphasize that the solution lies in the genuine implementation of the accord’s terms. This includes establishing a fair and effective land dispute resolution system, fostering inter-community dialogue through shared projects and spaces, and creating economic opportunities that benefit all residents, not just a select few.

The educated Pahari population, both those living within the CHT and abroad, also has a responsibility to support their community, helping it to survive and thrive in the land they have inhabited for generations. Furthermore, marginalized groups must be given opportunities for empowerment so they can effectively realize their rights and participate fully in society.

For the younger generation growing up in this “violent peace,” the future remains uncertain. Their hopes for education, stable jobs, and a secure life are caught in the crossfire of unresolved grievances and ongoing low-level conflict. The fundamental challenge for Bangladesh is to move from a peace that simply avoids all-out war to one that actively builds trust, ensures justice, and fosters a shared future for everyone in the hills.

Keywords: Bangladesh, Pahari, Bengali, Chittagong Hill Tracts, CHT, Chittagong, peace, conflict, conflict resolution, Bangladeshi

This Week in Peace #100: October 3

By
Tara Abhasakun
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Fishermen on Lake Kivu near Goma at Sunset, photo by Edouard Mihigo via Pexels.

This week, UN says peace in DRC still “mostly a promise” despite progress on paper. What’s next for Trump’s Gaza peace plan? What will the trial of South Sudan’s opposition leader mean for peace?

UN Says Peace in DRC Still “Mostly a Promise” Despite Progress on Paper

The head of the UN’s peacekeeping mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) reports a lack of genuine progress on peace in the country. On September 30, Bintou Keita, head of the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), said that despite peace agreements signed, peace is “still mostly a promise.” 

In June, DRC signed a peace agreement with Rwanda, and in July, the DRC government and the M23 rebel group signed a declaration of principle. In February, the UN Security Council adopted resolution 2773 calling for an immediate and unconditional cessation of hostilities.

However, since June, MONUSCO has recorded around  1,087 civilians killed during violence in Ituri and North Kivu. Keita said, “and this toll is growing day by day.”

It’s not just M23 anymore. Other armed groups are also committing violence in DRC, including the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF), linked to the ISIL terrorist group in the region. The group has killed some 300 civilians in North Kivu and Ituri in recent months, the UN reported.

In areas under M23 control, Keita said, MONUSCO has a difficult time carrying out its duties. “Fuel and food supplies are delayed. Many troop rotations are still blocked. Exhausted contingents remain in place for several months. Electricity and water cuts cripple bases and life-support systems. Goma airport is still closed,” she said.

What’s Next for Trump’s Gaza Peace Plan?

After US President Donald Trump last week presented a peace plan on Gaza to Arab leaders, Trump said on September 30 that he was giving Hamas “about three to four days” to respond to the plan. He added that Hamas would face severe consequences if the group rejected the proposal. 

The 20-point plan lists steps to Israeli forces’ withdrawal from the Gaza Strip, and the strip’s future leadership. One point proposes an International Stabilization Force (ISF) deployed in Gaza. One of its tasks would be to work with Israel and Egypt to help secure border areas, along with newly trained Palestinian police forces. 

Some commentators have criticized the plan for not specifying which countries would participate in the ISF. They have also criticized that the plan doesn’t mention the West Bank, where violence between settlers and Palestinians has continued to severely worsen. Israel in August approved a plan to build a settlement that would effectively divide the West Bank in two.

On October 2, The Guardian reported that, according to analysts and sources close to Hamas, Hamas would demand key revisions of the proposal, but would likely accept the proposal in the coming days. One sticking point, they said, is the demand that Hamas disarm.

What Will the Trial of South Sudan’s Opposition Leader Mean for Peace?

A special court in South Sudan has been set up to try opposition leader Riek Machar. The court was set to sit on October 1 to start receiving evidence from the prosecution. Machar and seven other individuals are charged with murder, treason and crimes against humanity. Machar has dismissed the charges as a “witch hunt.”

After the country experienced a civil war in 2013 which killed over 400,000 people, South Sudan’s fragile peace has been deteriorating this year, despite a peace agreement signed in 2018. Amnesty International on May 28 reported that violence had killed 180 people between March and mid-April amid deepening divisions between President Salva Kiir and First Vice President Riek Machar. On September 21, at least 48 people were killed and over 152 injured in fighting between South Sudan’s army and opposition forces in Burebiey. 

As tensions and clashes continue, it remains to be seen what the trial will mean for peace, and how it will impact civilians.

Keywords: DRC, Congo, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Gaza, Israel, Palestine, South Sudan, Opposition, peace, conflict, conflict resolution

Conceptualizing Peace: Colombia, Youth, and Education

By
Gabriel Velez
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Woman citing on stairs in Bogota, Colombia. Photo by Nubia Nuvarro via Pexels.

Colombia has long been a country whose name has been synonymous with violence. Murders, armed conflict, and the plight of victims tend to dominate international news and popular media, from headlines to television shows like Narcos. In the 1940s and 1950s, the country experienced La Violencia, a time of extreme bloodshed between the conservatives and liberals. The 1980s and 1990s saw the rise of the drug trade, including figures like Pablo Escobar. The early 2000s were marked by mass kidnappings and extortion as internal armed conflict increased.  Even in August 2025, the assassination of presidential candidate Miguel Uribe Turbay demonstrated the continued political violence in Colombia. These moments and eras reflect deep and troubling realities: The National Historic Memory Center estimates that over 260,000 people were killed in the various armed conflicts from 1958 to 2018. 

Violence, of course, in a context like Colombia is complex and multifaceted. It is driven by historic oppression and legacies, underinvestment and disinterest from the state, economics and geopolitics, and more. 

But across the country’s history, in the face of the myriad forms of violence, there has also been resilience, strength, and movements for peace along with demobilization, disarmament, and re-integration. The latter coalesced into a strong formal and more grassroots movement in the 2010s during the peace process between the government (of then-President Juan Manuel Santos) and the longest existing armed revolutionary group, the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia – People’s Army (FARC-EP). Accompanying the comprehensive and years-long process leading up to the peace agreement signed in 2016, the government and civil society took various efforts to build a movement and foundation for a widespread peace across Colombia. This included a truth and reconciliation process, discourses and the promotion of peace, and a peace education law in 2015. 

Much of these efforts centered on the idea that young people could be the foundation for a peaceful future in Colombia. Santos himself told them “to make peace [theirs]” and that they would lead the country on a different path. Young people’s engagement and leadership were held up as both a need and a defining characteristic of what Colombia could be. The peace education law, for example, mandated the inclusion of two of 12 themes across all levels from preschool through postsecondary. These themes were diverse, ranging from historical memory to justice and human rights to protection of the nation’s cultural and natural resources. Each educational institution had to integrate two of these themes, but could choose which ones and how.

But how did young people understand their role in peacebuilding? And how did they make sense of these “tools” (that is, the peace education in their schools, churches, youth groups, and more)?

In 2016 and 2017, I conducted hundreds of interviews with young people aged 15 to 18 across various areas of Colombia to explore these questions. I was interested in how they were even thinking about the idea of peace and then going one step further to see how they might be connecting their developing identities to these ideas being proposed by the government. 

Ultimately, the answer to those questions defies any simple, universal theme. Young people in Cucuta talked about peace as related to the conflict with Venezuela, in poor areas of Medellin as related to local violence, and in wealthy schools in the capital of Bogota as living free from fear. There were some commonalities across contexts (both geographical and socioeconomic), as many young people mirrored government discourses by talking about peace beginning within them and then emerging outward. To engage with peace, they had to be at peace with themselves. They also then talked about levels, from peace with their peers and families, to peace in their communities, to peace more broadly across Colombian society. 

Still, in all cases, local context and personal experience mattered. Young people weren’t just passive receptacles for governmental discourses. Many from lower resourced communities rejected the idea that they could contribute to national peace, often pointing towards its distance from their everyday lives. Some highlighted the challenges even in the walls outside of their school, talking about gangs and drugs as motivators of violence that they could not address. Peers from higher resource contexts tended to display greater efficacy in their conceptualizations by talking about how they would be beginning locally, and these small actions could build to a bigger peace. Some talked about their place as giving a “granito de arena,” or a grain of sand that could then contribute to a broader movement in society.

A decade after the peace education mandate in Colombia, the broader efforts have all but collapsed. There have been many targeted killings of human rights and peace activists, re-mobilization of armed combatants, and numerous challenges with moving parts of the accords forward. The energy, dynamism, and omnipresence of peace education with youth have faded noticeably. What can we take away from the research with these young people, and how things have progressed since? 

First, peace is a concept shaped by time, place, personal experience, social dynamics, and public discourses. It is, of course, an idea and a word so many of us recognize, but our understandings of it and who we are and can be in relation to “peace” in society are diverse and shaped by our experiences and positionalities. Therefore, we must always be open and thoughtful about what each of us understands by this idea. For young people at the cusp of defining their life trajectories and grappling with their place in the world, attention to these cognitive dynamics might be particularly important.

Second, peace education is almost certainly valuable, but not enough. We can give young people “tools” but we also have to work with them on seeing these tools as able to be implemented and able to create change. There must be interactive possibilities, openness to structural hurdles, and recognition of their own experiences. An approach rooted in critical consciousness—as a “critical peace education” approach articulated by Monisha Bajaj and others—may be best situated for this transformative potential. Such a framework draws on ideas of Paolo Freire to engage students in their lived experiences and action toward dismantling systemic injustice and oppression. It can promote both a recognition of structural forces and a sense of agency in the face of them.

And lastly, as other scholars of youth in Colombia like Helen Berents have noted, we must also be open to the ways that young people are constantly building peace beyond our neoliberal frameworks. The absence of murder matters. Demobilization of armed groups is critical. But the daily ways that young people navigate violence as they survive, thrive, and engage prosocially cannot be ignored either. And even today, amid a more pessimistic atmosphere in Colombia, young people are continuing this daily engagement with peace through their intimate relationships and contexts.

Keywords: Colombia, Colombian, education, peace education, youth, peacebuilding, conflict, conflict resolution, FARC

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