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The Search for Elusive Peace and Social Work in the Philippines

People in a market place in Manila, photo by NIC Law via Pexels.

The Philippines is currently experiencing a political upheaval marred by massive corruption. Its former president, Rodrigo Duterte, is detained at the International Criminal Court (ICC) in The Hague for alleged crimes against humanity linked to his “war on drugs” while he was mayor of Davao and president of the country between November 2011 and March 2019. Human rights organizations describe his leadership as a “human rights calamity” because it involved systematic widespread, extra judicial killings (EJKs) against suspected drug personalities with death toll estimates ranging from 12,000 to over 30,000. 

Peace continues to be elusive in a country which 40 years ago toppled the Marcos dictatorship through a bloodless revolution known as the People Power Revolution. In 1986, the country became a global symbol of peaceful resistance when millions of Filipinos gathered along Epifanio de los Santos Avenue to nonviolently overthrow the 21-year dictatorship and restore democracy. Under President Cory Aquino’s revolutionary leadership, the 1987 Constitution formalized the country’s transition from dictatorship to democracy and institutionalized state policies that value the dignity of every human person and full respect for human rights. However, the country is once again under a Marcos Presidency after Ferdinand Marcos Jr., the son of the former dictator, came to power in 2022.

How did the Philippines degenerate from a bastion of democracy into a country where its people suffer from systemic failure of its institutions and justice system? Why does genuine peace remain elusive for Filipinos? 

In his speech at the High-Level Forum on the Culture of Peace, United Nations Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon (United Nations, 2014) stated that peace must “must be nurtured through the dignity, rights, and capacities of every man and woman.” In recent decades, a holistic understanding of peace has gone beyond the absence of physical violence and armed conflict. The paradigm of peace has shifted from signing treaty agreements to confronting structural and societal violence, manifested by systemic poverty, injustice, discriminatory practices, denial of human rights, and disregard for the sustainability of the environment.

Social workers in the Philippines have been at the forefront of government efforts to help the poorest segments of the country. They serve in a wide variety of settings in both the public and the non-profit sectors. Yet social workers continue to navigate through the tension between the two traditions: the focus on helping individuals adjust to their environment, and the emphasis on changing the environment. The emphasis on the former is aptly reflected by the way the government places importance in providing ayuda or financial aid to low-income and crisis-affected citizens. The cash programs only provide temporary relief to families and individuals in crisis, failing to address the root causes of poverty which is structural in nature.     

It is crucial to revisit how principles of social justice and human rights are central in the Global Definition of Social Work, which states that the profession “promotes social change and development, social cohesion, and the empowerment and liberation of people” (International Federation of Social Workers, 2014). The same statement reads, “principles of social justice, human rights, collective responsibility and respect for diversities are central to social work.” In addition, social workers are called to engage “people and structures” to enhance people’s wellbeing.  

Recent developments demand “a holistic and pragmatic social work approach based on the principles of human rights and social justice that addresses poverty and socioeconomic inequalities at the individual, household, community, and policy levels” (James Midgley (ed.), 2010). By challenging structural inequality that manifests through poverty, inaccessible social services, and human rights abuses, social workers can contribute to the achievement of genuine peace. In general, however, peacebuilding remains an uncharted territory and is considered as “unconventional” practice for most social workers. 

The Social Work Profession should reclaim its peacebuilding tradition exemplified during its foundational years. As an example, Josefa Llanes Escoda was a Filipino social worker who advocated for women’s rights and set up the Girl Scouts of the Philippines. During the Japanese occupation  from 1941 to 1945, she organized a group of volunteers to ferry messages between war prisoners and their families, provide essential items to students stranded in Manila as well as to those imprisoned in camps, and organized community kitchens, among other initiatives (The Urban Roamer, 2021). As a result, Josefa was later executed by Japanese officials.

Social workers in the Philippines should strive to pursue pro-people development that places importance on the “marginalized”, the “little” people whom economic growth has bypassed. They include farmers robbed of their land, fisherfolks who have been neglected, indigenous peoples who have lost their cultural identity, and the forgotten families living in urban poor areas. Peacebuilding and pro-people development are interdependent concepts. One cannot be achieved without the other. In such a time as this, social workers have the potential to make a vital contribution in promoting genuine peace and development that enhance the well-being of all. 

Keywords: Philippines, social work, peace, dictatorship, Duerte, Rodrigo Duerte, social worker, social workers, conflict, conflict resolution

This Week in Peace #122: April 10

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Urumqi, China, where talks between Pakistan and Afghanistan took place. Photo via Wikipedia.

This week, China hosts peace talks with Pakistan and Afghanistan. Sudan’s health workers lack supplies to save mothers and infants. Easter weekend sees calls for peace in South Sudan.

China Hosts Peace Talks Between Pakistan and Afghanistan

From April 2 until this week, China has been hosting peace talks between Pakistan and Afghanistan following cross-border fighting after Pakistan launched airstrikes on Pakistan in February. Pakistan accuses the Taliban in Afghanistan of harboring militants who attack Pakistan. 

The UN’s office for the coordination of humanitarian affairs in Afghanistan posted on X on April 7 that the conflict had displaced 94,000 people.

While Afghanistan’s acting Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi called the talks “useful,” Pakistani officials did not respond directly to the talks. However, Pakistani Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir vowed to continue Pakistan’s military actions until “the culmination of terrorists’ safe havens and use ​of Afghan soil against Pakistan is decisively brought to an end.”

Sudan’s Health Workers Lack Supplies to Save Mothers and Infants

Sudan’s health workers lack the necessary supplies to save patients from death. In a UN report published on April 3, doctors in a key maternity hospital described helplessly watching mothers and babies die before their eyes. 

Dr. Hasan Babikir, a doctor at El-Obeid Maternity Hospital in North Kordofan, told the UN’s sexual and reproductive health agency, UNFPA, “There’s a severe shortage of surgical and normal delivery equipment, as well as essentials such as antibiotics, surgical sutures and gloves,” adding “This forces us to buy them from the market at very high prices.” 

El-Obeid Maternity Hospital is the only referral hospital in western Sudan and currently serves over 230,000 displaced people. Most patients are women and girls impacted by sexual violence, hunger, and almost no healthcare. Meanwhile, the city of El-Obeid faces drone attacks, many of which have been against healthcare facilities, killing health workers and patients. 

Midwife Laila Sarfo said that doctors are lacking “adequate infection control equipment in the delivery rooms.”

 Easter Weekend Sees Calls for Peace in South Sudan

The Easter weekend saw several calls for peace in South Sudan from both faith leaders and politicians. These calls for peace come after last week, gunmen killed 74 mine workers in Jebel-Iraq, with government and opposition leaders blaming one another.

Santo Loku Pio, the principal celebrant at St Theresa’s Cathedral, Juba, stressed Christianity’s message of peace, telling BBC, “If you are told to go and kill, refuse, even if it means losing your job.” He added “be a man or woman of peace.”

South Sudan’s president Salva Kiir also called for “peace, reconciliation, and unity.”

South Sudan’s conflict is between the military, which is loyal to Kiir, and insurgents believed to be allied with the suspended vice-president Riek Machar. on March 17, UNICEF said around 100,000 South Sudanese people had fled to Ethiopia in Jonglei state. 

This was after South Sudan’s army on March 8 ordered evacuations to clear the way for a military offensive. UNICEF said in its update, “100,000 are estimated to have fled to Ethiopia from Akobo town after the evacuation order was issued. Akobo hospital was looted and closed.”

Keywords: South Sudan, Pakistan, Afghanistan, Sudan, peace, conflict, conflict resolution, ceasefire, Easter, maternal health

The Invisible Migration: How Urban Refugees are Powering Uganda’s Economy and Building Harmony

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Students at Bondeko tailoring their clothes. Photo by Godfrey Luzinda

Uganda has long been celebrated globally for its progressive refugee policy, one that avoids the restrictive encampment seen in other nations for a model of integration and freedom of movement.

According to statistics from the office of the prime minister, Uganda was a host to 1,961,518 refugees and asylum seekers as of October 31, 2025. Of these, 91 percent live in refugee settlements. While rural settlements are the traditional destination, a massive, invisible migration is reshaping the nation’s capital, with 9 percent residing in urban areas. Thousands are trading the dwindling rations of settlements for the grit and opportunity of the Kampala metropolitan area.

In the bustling suburbs of Makindye and Zana, refugees from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Somalia, South Sudan, Eritrea, Sudan, Ethiopia, Rwanda, and Burundi are no longer just asylum seekers. They are taxpayers, employers, and entrepreneurs.

Refugees from these countries have fled harrowing violence and instability involving civil wars, political unrest, and other major upheavals. Yet, they are now using entrepreneurship, including food, clothing, and cosmetic services, to power Uganda’s economy and build harmony amongst the diverse groups within refugee and host communities.

The Stitch of Resilience: John Babish Makando

In Makindye Division, a suburb characterized by its diverse refugee population, John Babish Makando operates a tailoring business that defies the common stereotypes of the trade. Having fled the conflict in Eastern DRC in 2019, Makando bypassed the settlement system entirely, betting on his skills to survive in the competitive urban landscape of Kampala.

For Makando, being a refugee is not a barrier to professional excellence. He has built a reputation for punctuality and precision, qualities he says are often lacking in the local market. “I am removing the common client misperception about local tailors,” Makando explains to Peace News Network (PNN). “Many are known for letting down clients by not meeting deadlines or spoiling designs. Here, it is different. I focus on quality and being a good timekeeper.”

Makando arranges to start his work in shop in Makindye. Photo by Cinderella Ayebare.

Makando’s contribution to the Ugandan economy is tangible. Unlike refugees in settlements who receive humanitarian aid, urban refugees like Makando receive nearly zero financial support. Instead, In Kampala, small-scale entrepreneurs are the backbone of the local economy, contributing through structured taxes. Most pay an annual Kampala City Council Authority (KCCA) Trading License, ranging from 31,500 UGX for basic stalls to 90,000 UGX for salons and workshops. Additionally, artisans pay a Local Service Tax based on income, while market vendors contribute through daily dues. Despite limited capital, these micro-businesses ensure steady revenue for urban development and city infrastructure Makando pays rent for his tailoring shop and fulfils his tax obligations, fuelling local development.

His journey to self-reliance began with a three-month vocational training course sponsored by the International Rescue Committee (IRC) and GRS. Today, he is paying that gift forward.

“I went for a three-month skill training and after I did a short course in tailoring. After some years of getting experience, we decided to start transferring these skills to fellow refugees and host communities by training them how to make clothes using different fabrics,” Makando said      

He added, “We decided to teach people to show them how we are connected to our Ugandan neighbours, because there is a saying that my neighbour is my first family.” 

Blending Fashion and Food: Amina’s Fresh Market

The economic ecosystem created by refugees extends from the wardrobe to the dinner table. 

Amina, another Congolese refugee in Makindye, ensures both refugees and Ugandans, eat well. Amina has tapped into the high demand for fresh produce in the densely populated corridors of Makindye.

Amina cleaning and sorting her greens. Photo by Cinderella Ayebare.

Her stall is a vibrant intersection of cultures. She specializes in vegetables like tomatoes and greens, but her real success lies in sombe (cassava leaves), susha, dodo, and eggplants, staples that appeal to Rwandan, Burundian, and Sudanese clients.

“Ugandans love Congolese food and Congolese love Ugandan food,” Amina notes, highlighting a form of cultural adaptation that goes beyond mere survival. By maintaining her stall, Amina is not just providing for her family; She is an active participant in the city’s informal economy, contributing to the tax base and promoting urban food security.

Turning Migrants into Economic Engines: The Bondeko Center

At the heart of this transformation is the Bondeko Refugee Livelihoods Centre in Najjanankumbi’s Stella Village. Founded in 1997 by Reverend Father Micheal Lingisi, Bondeko has evolved from a simple safety net into a sophisticated engine of self-reliance.

Bondeko Refugee Livelihoods Center.

Executive Director Paul Kithima is a vocal advocate for localization, the idea that the best solutions for refugees are those born from the refugees themselves.

“We have livelihood activities where we train refugees in different areas like hairdressing, tailoring, ICT, and makeup,” Kithima said. He added that the center also has savings groups, which provide essential training in entrepreneurship and financial literacy. “We have a total of 37 saving groups, attending to 1,110 individuals, with each group comprising 30 people,” said Kithima.

Students at Bondeko tailoring their clothes. Photo by Godfrey Luzinda

He added, “We help them to register as Community Based Organizations (CBOs) so they can access financial institutions to explore options like loans and other products.”

Last year alone, Bondeko assisted over 3,500 people, including both refugees and Ugandan nationals. This inclusive approach, training nationals alongside refugees, is key to maintaining social cohesion and preventing resentment. 

The center’s programs are diverse, ranging from a modernized bakery and mushroom farms to a law clinic that helps refugee families navigate asylum status and a young centre for children.

Students leaving the English class. Photo by Cinderella Ayebare.

A New Chapter of Self-Reliance

The shift toward urban entrepreneurship has become a necessity. With 2026 funding cuts slashing settlement rations to near-zero, the invisible migration is no longer a choice but a survival strategy. These individuals are moving away from aid dependency and toward active economic participation.

As Paul Kithima and the entrepreneurs in Makindye demonstrate, when refugees are given the tools to succeed, they don’t just survive, they build the future of the country that welcomed them.

Keywords: migration, immigration, immigrants, Uganda, urban, refugees, asylum seekers, Kampala, settlements, economy, harmony, peace, conflict, conflict resolution

From Humanitarian Peacebuilding to Strategic Influence: India’s Role in Sri Lanka

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Charming Street Shop in Rainy Sri Lanka, photo by Eslam Mohammed Abdelmaksoud via Pexels.

India has gradually strengthened its diplomatic relations with Sri Lanka after the end of Sri Lanka’s civil war in 2009, entering a renewed phase of engagement built on soft diplomacy—particularly India’s dedicated efforts in relief and reconstruction in war affected regions of Sri Lanka. India emerged as the largest single contributor to post-war  reconstruction in Northern and Eastern Provinces. 

Among foreign funded post-war peacebuilding initiatives, India has supported Sri Lankan Tamil communities for large projects like housing reconstruction, livelihood development, voluntary repatriation of Tamil refugees who fled to India during the war, and facilitating Sri Lanka’s resettlement process. The widening peacebuilding support led India to broadened cooperation in trade, military, and strategic affairs. 

Since the end of the civil war, Sri Lanka’s political leadership has increasingly regarded India as its most important regional neighbor. In a telephone conversation with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi dated December 1 2025, Sri Lanka’s President Anura Kumara Dissanayake appraised India’s “first responder” approach in times of need, expressing gratitude to India for its immediate response to the recovery of Sri Lanka after cyclone Ditwah (Press Release, PM’s Office, India). 

India’s steady and continuous humanitarian peacebuilding initiatives serve as key foundations for the consolidation of strong India–Sri Lanka diplomatic ties. 

Post-war Humanitarian Peacebuilding  

India’s bilateral commitment to humanitarian assistance is widely recognized at the global level. In response to Sri Lanka’s post-war humanitarian recovery, India presented a comprehensive humanitarian agenda, encompassing not only emergency relief, but also long-term peacebuilding commitment. India’s housing construction project in Sri Lanka represents one of the largest humanitarian initiatives undertaken by a single country, with a commitment to build 50,000 new houses for conflict-affected  populations at an estimated cost of 33 billion Sri Lankan rupees (High Commission of India, Colombo). 

Initiated in 2012, the project later expanded through a fourth phase in 2017, providing an additional 10,000 houses for estate-sector communities with historical ties to Tamil Nadu, thereby linking humanitarian relief with socio-cultural support. 

India’s humanitarian engagement expanded to include rehabilitation and resettlement programmes, particularly supporting Sri Lanka’s internally displaced persons (IDP) resettlement. Since 2014, India has also facilitated the repatriation of Sri Lankan Tamil refugees—an issue that had long remained a complex and unresolved social and economic challenge due to the prolonged presence of the refugees in Tamil Nadu.  

India’s Humanitarian Emergency Assistance 

India was recognised and appraised among the hearts of Sri Lankans for its timely intervention during Sri Lanka’s back-to-back emergency phases, particularly in 2022 during Sri Lanka’s worst economic breakdown, and after the entire island was devastated by cyclone Ditwah in December 2025—India’s relief and recovery support stood indispensable. 

Addressing the All-India Partner Meet in June 2024, Sri Lanka’s former president Ranil Wickremesinghe stated, “having now survived two difficult years, I must acknowledge that this was possible because India extended a loan of US$3.5 billion” (The Economic Times), reflecting India’s immediate intervention to Sri Lanka during the economic crisis. India’s recovery support was not only humanitarian but wisely set under strategically structured credit lines, which facilitated the stabilisation of essential imports—including fuel, food, medicine, and fertilizers—critical for the lives of people and daily engagements.  

At the time the island nation hit by the tropical cyclone Ditwah, the most severe natural catastrophe since the tsunami in 2004, India responded by extending a US$450 million relief and reconstruction package (news.lk), underscoring how humanitarian assistance continues to constitute a central pillar of bilateral cooperation. This marked the first instance in which a military-humanitarian operation was deployed, with India airlifting medical teams and units, rescue teams and even critical infrastructure—including movable bridges to facilitate immediate relief and post-disaster recovery. India demonstrated its humanitarian peacebuilding by moving beyond conventional intervention methods. 

Humanitarian Relief Leveraging the Strategic Scope 

Amid recognizing debates over the strategic competition between India and China in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR),  India’s closer diplomatic engagement with Sri Lanka positioned itself as a calculated strategy of soft balancing. In this context, humanitarian cooperation has functioned not only to strengthen political trust but to advance broader strategic interests of India in the region. At the geopolitical level, India-Sri Lanka affairs reinforced India’s Neighbourhood First policy, positioning India as a reliable partner in the emerging regional strategic architecture. 

A review of some key initiatives indicates that India has steadily strengthened its strategic  engagement with Sri Lanka. Such debates can be expanded to areas such as geostrategic dialogue, maritime security, and military exercises. In the recent past, India has shown its security follow-up in the aftermath of the Easter bombings in Sri Lanka in 2019, after which India enhanced intelligence-sharing mechanisms–that Sri Lanka allied with. In the broader regional trade context, India has stepped into key strategic infrastructural initiatives, such as the restoration of Kankesanthurai Harbour in 2018, the Colombo Port, West International Terminal Project (2022) and the joint development of oil storage facilities at the Trincomalee  Oil Tank Farm in 2022—one of the largest oil storage complexes in the Indian Ocean, originally constructed during World War II. India showcased its strategic commitment to enhancing its strategic footprint in Sri Lanka. 

Critical Perspectives 

While humanitarian peacebuilding carries significant diplomatic weight—allowing states to strengthen bilateral ties, as evident in India–Sri Lanka—it also prompts a critical reassessment of the liberal peace framework. Soft diplomatic approaches are generally welcomed, but in close geographic proximity, they require careful evaluation and political  dialogue, given the shifting of goals and sensitivity of interests. India and Sri Lanka have navigated this dynamic effectively. The Sri Lanka case illustrates the fragility and complexity of state-centric peacebuilding efforts, according to many critics; conventional liberal peace architectures are weakened in many applications in the world. However, India’s humanitarian peacebuilding provides a salient example of how humanitarian peacebuilding contributes to strengthening bilateralism. 

A case study like India Sri Lanka underscores how humanitarian peacebuilding—can lay the groundwork for more  robust diplomatic engagement, fostering stronger trust and sustained strategic alignment.

Keywords: Sri Lanka, India, peacebuilding, development, humanitarian, humanitarian peacebuilding, peace, conflict, conflict resolution

Activist Mothers of Northeast India and Peacebuilding in Fractured Societies

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More details Two Yimkhiung Naga women weaving traditional shawl, photo by Joli via Wikipedia, cropped.

In September 2025, Dr. Rosemary Dzuvichu—a respected peace activist and former president of the Naga Mothers’ Association (NMA)—received a death threat on social media. Her alleged offense: years of advocacy demanding women’s quotas in urban local bodies (ULBs) in Nagaland, a right guaranteed by the 74th Constitutional Amendment Act of 1993. 

The prolonged legal battle, spearheaded by NMA, challenging the Nagaland state government’s refusal to hold ULB elections, culminated in a 33% reservation for women in ULBs in 2023, following an order by the Supreme Court of India. A total of 102 women won seats in the 2024 ULB elections held after a gap of two decades. Patriarchal sections of the Naga society vehemently opposed women’s reservation, citing Article 371(A) of the Indian Constitution. 

The case of Nagaland exemplifies the constraints women in Northeast India face while participating in electoral politics, evidenced by abysmally low numbers of women in the state legislative assemblies. The active involvement of women in grassroots activism for peacebuilding has primarily occurred against the backdrop of violence in Northeast India spanning several decades since India’s post-colonial state-making started in 1947. 

A Region Shaped by Conflict

Located between South Asia and Southeast Asia, Northeast India is home to several indigenous communities with complex histories and linguistic and ethnic diversities. The desire to maintain autonomy and a unique identity among certain communities led to self-assertion movements, including armed insurgencies, which peaked in the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s. 

Inter-group rivalries and the Indian state’s counterinsurgency measures, especially in the form of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA), 1958, claimed thousands of lives of state and non-state armed actors and civilians. During this time, as the law and order situation deteriorated, social issues, including drug and alcohol abuse, plagued the conflict-affected states of Northeast India.

Mothers Step Into the Breach

Women, propelled by their essentialist roles as mothers, stepped in with the dual goals of putting an end to the bloodshed and addressing the emerging social issues due to the disruption of law and order. For instance, NMA was established in Nagaland in 1984, and the All Bodo Women’s Welfare Federation (ABWWF) was established in the Bodo areas of Assam state in 1986. Although focusing on social issues in the beginning, inter-factional killings between the insurgent groups and the clashes between the insurgents and the security forces deployed to curtail the insurgency led these organizations to intervene for peace. 

The members of these organizations mediated between the insurgent groups in conflict and urged them to participate in peace negotiations. On a few occasions, the members of NMA undertook a difficult journey crossing rivers and jungles to reach Naga insurgent hideouts in Myanmar to urge them to take part in peace negotiations.

Although the 2019 Naga peace talks between the Naga insurgent groups and the government of India ushered hopes of ending the protracted Naga conflict, new fault lines were exposed, as the neighbouring state of Manipur expressed concerns over certain clauses of the agreement having the potential of impacting the integrity of Manipur. As such, the NMA reached out to the Meira Paibis (Torch Bearers), an informal mothers’ group of Manipur, to discuss the situation and ease the tensions. In the Bodo areas of Assam, the ABWWF members brought two rival Bodo insurgent groups to a common space and mediated discussions between them.

These initiatives helped pause the violence in both contexts, as the insurgents heeded the appeals of the mothers. During clandestine home visits of the insurgents, mothers and grandmothers also made efforts to persuade them to surrender arms. These initiatives of the members of NMA and ABWWF and mothers and grandmothers of these conflict-affected societies stemmed from what academics describe as motherhood politics or maternal activism, that is, women leveraging their roles as mothers and exercising their agency to pave their way into peace politics, which is otherwise a male-dominated space. Similar strategies have been adopted in other contexts of conflicts, such as Argentina, Israel, Palestine, Sri Lanka, and more, with successful outcomes.

Motherhood politics in the conflict-affected regions of India’s Northeast manifested in informal ways, including women’s collective organizational agency. Collectively, in their respective regions, NMA, ABWWF, and Meira Paibis (torch bearers) exerted motherhood politics in several ways—overt activism, nude protests, everyday resistance, and devising coping mechanisms during conflicts. For example, NMA and ABWWF organized peace marches, the Meira Paibis of Manipur bared their bodies as an act of resistance against the atrocities perpetrated by the security forces, and women in villages came together to devise everyday strategies, such as undertaking weaving or opening grain banks. As men hid in jungles fearing arrest and torture by the security forces, women shouldered all responsibility inside and outside the home.

A Continuing Struggle for Inclusion

The larger society, whether Naga or Bodo, recognizes and acknowledges the undeniable roles of the NMA or ABWWF in building peace and reconstructing the ruptured societies. For example, in Nagaland, the Forum for Naga Reconciliation (FNR), a joint effort towards reconciliation, established in 2008 at a time when Naga society was “drenched in tears and mourning” due to factional fights and fear of the Indian Army, included NMA, along with other organizations, for its long-term peace contributions to Naga society. 

FNR conducted faith-based mediations among rival Naga factions by arranging prayer meetings and football matches to rebuild trust. Their efforts bore fruit with the signing of the Covenant of Reconciliation (CoR) on 13 June 2009 by the leaders of the three major Naga armed groups, who resolved to end violence. The killings reduced significantly in the years that followed.

However, women’s organizations have been kept at the margins of conventional peace talks and peace accord signing ceremonies, which are primarily led by the government. Evidence suggests that including women in formal peace processes increases the durability of peace accords. Therefore, in Northeast India, given the recurrence of violence, including women in formal peace processes could be the first step towards attaining durable peace solutions.

Keywords: Nagaland, India, Northeast India, mothers, motherhood, motherhood politics, women, women and peace, peace, conflict, conflict resolution