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A Case for Intergenerational Peace Leadership, Now!

Lesley Pruitt and Katrina Lee Koo
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A Case for Intergenerational Peace Leadership, Now!

As an international community, we continue to look to states and regional and international organisations to drive efforts to end conflicts in Gaza, Ukraine, Sudan, and elsewhere. While these actors and their leaders have an important role to play, enduring intergenerational peace must be built from within conflict-affected communities.

In recent years, ideas around peace leadership are beginning to change. In particular, developments in global policy, scholarship, and programming have started to recognise that a robust peace must include  all members of a community and be sustainable across generations.

To get there, much more work is needed to recognise and support the peacebuilding work of young people. In our research, we have focused on the important roles young women play as peacebuilders around the world, and particularly across Asia and the Pacific, home to 60 percent of the world’s young people.

Why Does Intergenerational Peace Leadership (IPL) Matter?

In our recent article involving research with young women peacebuilders, we theorise and advocate for what we call Intergenerational Peace Leadership (IPL). To explore the concept of IPL, and identify prospects and challenges, we draw on 3 case studies from the Asia/Pacific region: Myanmar, Papua New Guinea (Bougainville), and Nepal. We selected these as they all feature intergenerational conflict experiences and efforts at community-based peacebuilding. We also note that in these contexts, as with other conflicts, young women often face gender and age-based exclusions in  their participation and especially leadership roles in the peace process. As one regional stakeholder explained:

“Many of the people in global policymaking are older and think they know the needs of young people. But to actually hear it from the young people themselves is really important, and particularly young women who we know often don’t have a voice in their own countries and in their own families, and to make sure that their voices are actually heard.” 

Likewise, other young women articulated these challenges in their experiences:

“[W]hen it comes to people owning things, it’s very hard to let go. We had a lot of challenges with that, that people [feel like they] own things: ‘I’ve started this and I’m not giving it away. This is my child. I’m not giving it away’…. We should have this willingness that, okay, we move on and we allow others to come and continue the work (YWPNG8).”

“There is no gender equality, and gender discrimination stops women leading in the society … Women leaders receive no respect [from] men, and also they are pressured by experienced and elder ones. Thus, the young women leaders are not taken seriously in their community (MYW4).”

Young Women Leading for Peace

Our research analysed the lived experiences of 30 young women in the three countries mentioned above (Myanmar, Nepal, and Papua New Guinea/Bougainville). Through focus groups and key informant interviews conducted by peer researchers, young women explored their experiences, attitudes, and understandings of intergenerational peace leadership. Interviews were also conducted with older women and other stakeholders engaged in peacebuilding in the countries considered. 

Overall, we find that young women contribute to peacebuilding in a range of important ways, including through more informal, local settings and efforts. That said, their work often goes ignored in policies and programming aimed at building peace. Indeed, many studies, including our own, have noted that age-based hierarchies and associated power dynamics often lead to young women being ignored, marginalised, or silenced, even within peacebuilding efforts that are described as intergenerational. In contrast, the insights we’ve gathered from these young women peace leaders has led us to propose a shift in thinking around how we approach efforts to create inclusive, sustainable peace through intentional intergenerational efforts. After all, as Podder rightly notes “even in settings where formal peace agreements have been signed, the fundamental changes needed to solidify peace will take generations” (2022: 11).

What Is Intergenerational Peace Leadership (IPL)?

Drawing on what we learned from these young women, we propose an IPL approach that recognises and prioritises inclusive, sustainable peacebuilding contributions, both local and informal, that engage all generations in mutually respectful ways. In this way, we suggest a vision of peace that is shared and collectively owned between and across generations, and which recognises the crucial contributions youth can make. As one young woman put it:

“So when . . . I move on and when I’m doing something else these other young people . . . tak[e] my place and when he moves on or she moves on [they] will … mentor upcoming young generations of young people so we continue that intergenerational leadership . . .. (YWPNG1).”

Creating such conditions will require critically engaging with existing hierarchies, while being sensitive to the complex cultural norms and values in the conflict-affected settings where young women peacebuilders live and work. 

What’s Next?

Enacting intergenerational peace leadership will necessarily include a diverse suite of efforts in both informal and formal settings. This could include, for example:

  • Expanding and diversifying membership of informal and formal leadership roles to include a wider range of ages
  • Offering young women reserved spaces for active contributions to peacebuilding events locally, nationally, regionally, and globally
  • Funding and supporting programs specifically designed for and with young women leaders, including peer leadership approaches that incorporate knowledge and skill sharing for peace
  • Creating and maintaining accessible safe spaces across a range of settings, both formal and informal (e.g. schools, policy forums, community groups, and workplaces), where young women can communicate about the issues that directly and uniquely impact them 

While these suggestions are far from exhaustive, and none of these efforts would constitute a panacea for achieving a gender- and age-inclusive approach to peacebuilding, we offer these in the spirit of prompting further discussions and action. What will you do next to support the creation of inclusive, sustainable peace? And how will you ensure young women are heard, supported, and valued for their peace leadership? The answers may resonate for generations to come.

This Week in Peace #41: July 12, 2024

Peace News Staff
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This Week in Peace #41: July 12, 2024

This week, peace in South Sudan remains under threat, renwed peace talks between Israel and Hamas appeared initially promising but saw no tangible progress so far, and Armenia and Azerbaijan continue to inch towards a final peace deal. 

Peace talks in South Sudan face further threats 

The past month has seen continued threats to peace in South Sudan. A few weeks ago, we reported on threats to a landmark peace deal which ended years of destructive civil war. One of the parties to that deal has objected to ongoing talks in Kenya between the government and rebel groups not included in the 2018 agreement. Those talks have now come under threat themselves, as participants object to the recent passage of a national security bill that would permit warrantless detention. The country is heading towards its first democratic election, which has been pushed back numerous times but is currently scheduled for December. The peace talks have resulted in a draft which calls to delay the election further, in order to fully implement the 2018 deal, finalize South Sudan’s constitutions, and ensure it is free and fair. However, President Salva Kiir insists that the election must go forward as scheduled, and if he maintains this position and signs the new security law, South Sudan may find peace far more difficult to achieve. 

Israel and Hamas re-engage, in a familiar and unproductive cycle

The past week has seen renewed diplomatic engagement between Israel and Hamas, as they attempt to negotiate a ceasefire to at least temporarily end Israel’s nine-month war in Gaza. However, a familiar cycle is taking place, where reports emerge that a deal is close, only for the talks to drag on without resolution, as the two sides fail to come to any sort of agreement on whether a ceasefire would end the war or merely delay it. The question of who will rule post-war Gaza is also an issue, as Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu refuses to agree to a deal that allows Hamas to retain power. The divide between Netanyahu and Hamas over the potential future resumption of the war remains – Hamas wants a permanent ceasefire, while Netanyahu, who has refused to fully back a proposed ceasefire framework opposed by extremist members of his government, wants the option to resume fighting at any time. However, there is some hope that if this issue can be resolved, a ceasefire can be implemented for the first time since November. With near-unanimous global support for an end to the fighting, which is backed even by Israel’s military leadership, and the willingness of Hamas to negotiate, it is essential that a final agreement be found soon, as Palestinian civilians continue to suffer the most from the ongoing war. 

US optimistic about a deal between Armenia and Azerbaijan
After meeting with the foreign ministers of both countries during the NATO summit taking place in Washington, DC, this week, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken said that the two countries, long at odds, are close to signing a peace agreement that would be “dignified” and “durable”. Since Azerbaijan took over the formerly disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh last year, the two countries have been engaged in ongoing negotiations, to agree on a peace deal which would end one of the most enduring post-Soviet conflicts. While the two sides have as of now been unable to reach a final agreement, the talks remain on a positive trajectory. They have been largely bilateral, but engagement from international actors, including the US, could help aid the talks. A final agreement would be important both to prevent further fighting between the two neighbors, and potentially lead to greater regional integration as well – Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, a close ally of Azerbaijan, has stated he would be willing to normalize relations with Armenia if a peace treaty is signed, which would be a historic move considering the high tensions between the two states, driven by ongoing Turkish denial of the Armenian Genocide.

NGOs Bridging Divides in Yemen’s Fragmented Public Institutions 

Moosa Elayah
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NGOs Bridging Divides in Yemen’s Fragmented Public Institutions 

Yemen, a nation ravaged by conflict since 2014, has seen its public institutions fragment and falter under the strain of prolonged warfare. Amidst the chaos and division, non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have stepped up as essential actors, providing not only humanitarian aid but also bridging the deepening divide between Yemen’s fractured public administrations.

In Yemen, the traditional mechanisms of public administration have been severely disrupted. The internationally recognized government operates from Aden, while the Houthi-controlled government is based in Sana’a. This schism has led to duplicated efforts, inefficiencies, and an overall breakdown in the delivery of essential services. In such a fragmented environment, NGOs have become the linchpin, stepping in to fill the governance void and act as intermediaries between the warring factions.

The concept of NGOs serving as a bridge in conflict zones is not novel, but its relevance in Yemen is stark. By coordinating efforts between divided authorities, NGOs ensure the continuity of vital services such as water supply, education, and healthcare. For example, an NGO successfully negotiated a deal to provide water services in a city where control was split between rival authorities. This intervention not only maintained a critical service but also fostered a rare instance of cooperation between conflicting parties.

A recent study identifies several pivotal factors that enable NGOs to effectively bridge the divide in Yemen. Firstly, the readiness of stakeholders on both sides to engage in technical discussions and reach compromises is crucial. Without this willingness to cooperate, any bridging effort would be doomed to fail. Additionally, public support from local communities lends legitimacy to NGO efforts and pressures conflicting parties to collaborate. NGOs also need the capacity to manage additional responsibilities without compromising their primary humanitarian missions, which require skilled personnel and sufficient resources. Furthermore, flexible and sustained funding from international donors is essential. Such support allows NGOs to adapt to evolving ground realities and undertake bridging roles that may not align with traditional project frameworks.

However, the role of NGOs as mediators is fraught with challenges. The political sensitivity of their bridging efforts means NGOs risk being perceived as partisan by one side or the other, potentially undermining their neutrality and effectiveness. The constant threat to personal safety in conflict zones further complicates their mission. Despite these risks, NGOs remain committed to maintaining impartiality and adhering to humanitarian principles.

Dependency on donor funding also presents a significant challenge. Often, donor funds are tied to specific projects, limiting the flexibility of NGOs to fully engage in bridging roles. To overcome these obstacles, Dr. Moosa Elayah and his colleagues, who led a recent study on this topic, advocate for greater recognition and support for NGOs in their mediating roles. They argue that enhancing the capacity and flexibility of NGOs, combined with strategic donor partnerships, can significantly improve the effectiveness of aid and governance in conflict zones. In the case of Yemen, actors such as Saudi Arabia and the UAE, who have been participants in the conflict, can play a role as mediators and peacebuilders. Saudi Arabia’s peace talks with Yemen, the UAE’s mediation efforts in various conflicts, and their growing investment in humanitarian aid show that they do appear to be moving towards this role, although continued progress is essential.

The bridging role of NGOs extends beyond immediate humanitarian relief to long-term peacebuilding. By fostering cooperation and dialogue between divided administrations, NGOs can lay the groundwork for post-conflict state-building, especially if they coordinate with contributors of humanitarian aid, including states and international organizations. This dual approach of humanitarian aid and peacebuilding can help stabilize regions like Yemen, making them more resilient to future conflicts.

The shift from conflict to humanitarianism and peacebuilding by the Gulf states represents a significant transformation in their approach to Yemen, which can complement the role of NGOs and promote a peacebuilding agenda. Integrating peacebuilding efforts with humanitarian aid allows for a more holistic approach to conflict resolution, addressing both the immediate needs and the root causes of conflicts.

As Yemen continues to navigate its complex political landscape, the role of NGOs as mediators and peacebuilders will be crucial. The international community must acknowledge and support these efforts as part of a wider peacebuilding and reconciliation process, ensuring that NGOs have the resources and backing needed to continue their indispensable work. By doing so, they can help build a more stable and peaceful future for Yemen.

Afghanistan at a crossroads for peace: Is there hope for inclusivity? 

Omid Sobhani
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Afghanistan at a crossroads for peace: Is there hope for inclusivity? 

Afghanistan’s harsh, mountainous terrain has historically provided a strategic advantage to guerrilla groups, allowing them to hit and run swiftly, inflicting significant damage on ruling powers before vanishing into the mountains. This pattern was employed to great effect by Ahmad Shah Massoud, seen by many as Afghanistan’s national hero. He resisted Soviet invasions in the 1980s and the Taliban in the 1990s from the Panjshir Valley, located in northeastern Afghanistan. 

Today, his son, Ahmad Massoud, continues his legacy, leading the National Resistance Front (NRF). The NRF and other groups made up of former Afghan army members have been conducting guerrilla war against the Taliban since the US withdrawal in August 2021. The NRF vows to fight until an “inclusive and democratic” government, representing all ethnic groups and citizens, is established. However, they have also been open to engaging in dialogue with the Taliban in pursuit of these goals. Despite these, Afghanistan’s recent history indicates that the NRF and other political opponents will struggle to achieve their goals peacefully unless the Taliban are willing to make concessions, which is unlikely given their current position of strength. 

In their last negotiation in Tehran in 2022, Ahmad Massoud proposed a transition period, a constitution, and an election to the Taliban’s foreign minister, Amir Khan Muttaqi. Muttaqi, however, rejected the proposals, deeming them “un-Islamic,” and the talks ended. The Taliban claims their government is “inclusive”, citing a handful of Tajik, Hazara, and Uzbek members within their own ranks.

 However, their acting cabinet lacks a constitution, women, or political parties that embody a large portion of major ethnic groups. They have  explicitly called on exiled opposition to return to Afghanistan and continue ordinary life, a demand that is scarcely welcomed. This stance has been opposed by opposition parties, regional powers such as Iran, Pakistan, China, and Russia, as well as Western countries, all of whom persistently call on the Taliban for an inclusive government for domestic and international legitimacy. 

Afghans inside the country are primarily bearing the brunt of this conflict with a humanitarian crisis affecting the majority of the population, especially women, who have been barred from education and public life for nearly three years. This exclusion has cast a bleak vision over Afghanistan’s future, deepening its isolation on the global stage. 

The Doha Agreement, signed in February 2020 between the United States and the Taliban, aimed to end America’s longest war and pave the way for intra-Afghan dialogue, achieve a comprehensive ceasefire, and establish an inclusive government. But it ended in the U.S.’s chaotic exit and the Taliban’s swift takeover of Kabul. 

The UN has been urging the Taliban to form an “inclusive” government and uphold women’s rights as a way to end its international isolation. The Taliban’s resistance to these demands raises the question of whether the country’s path is leading towards further conflict, or towards a “negative peace” – the absence of violence, but without resolving the underlying issues that fueled past conflicts.  

Monopolizing Power: A risky strategy 

One significant challenge facing the Taliban, according to Graeme Smith, a senior analyst at the International Crisis Group (ICG), is a lack of domestic and international legitimacy. Unlike previous Afghan governments (2001-2021), which relied heavily on the international community for military and economic support and aid to sustain, the Taliban operates with limited external support. This gives the international community less leverage and allows the Taliban to reject power-sharing for now—a strategy that could backfire if resistance movements gain momentum. “To some extent, the Taliban are making the same mistake by monopolizing power, but from their perspective, it’s only a mistake if it fails,” he told Peace News Network. 

To break the deadlock in negotiations, outside powers might rethink their approach to dealing with the “pariah regime” in Kabul. In a recent ICG article, Smith noted that talks with the Taliban at the highest levels will not produce results in the short term and suggested that the international community should adopt a more pragmatic and focused approach in dealing with the Taliban and address specific issues one by one. This includes continuing dialogue on security cooperation and economic stability while insulating these discussions from broader political negotiations about international recognition and human rights issues. 

Even if such efforts gain momentum to open future dialogue, divisions among opposition figures are another obstacle. Many opposition figures who share the same goal of “inclusive government” are scattered abroad, weakening their bargaining powe. Massoud and the NRF have been unsuccessful at bringing together opposition parties and groups as to build a united block that can present a viable alternative to the Taliban. 

A recent meeting on Afghanistan’s future, hosted by the UN, illustrated the barriers to an inclusive peace in the country. Recently, the Taliban participated in a third UN-hosted meeting in Doha, aiming to break the country’s isolation. The meeting, attended by international envoys including regional powers, focused on increasing engagement with the Taliban’s Afghanistan, primarily economic support due to the dire humanitarian situation. Unlike the previous meetings, this time the Afghan civil society and women were excluded, a pre-condition set by the Taliban that faced criticism by civil society and human rights organizations. 

According to Atif Mokhtar, an expert on Afghanistan, “unless Afghans come together into an intra-Afghan dialogue, no other  conference will  bring a positive impact for Afghanistan,” according to Atif Mokhtar. He emphasized that the issues facing Afghanistan must be solved by Afghans themselves, including those who are outside and inside the country. 

While the discussions in Doha marked a shift in the international engagement with Afghanistan, the Taliban’s refusal to include women means that the status quo on the international level is likely to continue. Domestically, Afghanistan’s complex security environment and the Taliban’s rigid opposition to dialogue and inclusivity does little to prevent further internal conflict,  suggesting an uncertain future for Afghanistan. Despite the end of decades of formal war, full peace remains elusive.

This Week in Peace #40: July 5, 2024

Peace News Staff
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This Week in Peace #40: July 5, 2024

This week, negotiations in Colombia covered in our previous update have led to a ceasefire between the government and a notable rebel group. Activists continue to call for peace in Gaza, as fears grow of a full-scale war between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon. And in Haiti, the long-awaited deployment of Kenyan police is an important step towards addressing gang violence and bringing peace after years of political and social turmoil. 

Colombia’s peace talks result in a quick ceasefire

Last week, we reported on the start of peace talks between Colombia and the Second Marquetalia rebel group, made up of former FARC dissidents who rejected a landmark 2016 peace treaty. Following talks in the Venezuelan capital of Caracas, the group announced a unilateral ceasefire and commitment to release captives. Later this month, the two sides will meet to more clearly delineate the de-escalation process, and the rebels committed to disarmament as part of this agreement. While past ceasefires with rebel groups have failed to last, this is still an important step forward in continuing the long-running Colombian peace process, a priority of President Gustavo Petro. If the ceasefire holds and the group successfully disarms and reintegrates, it would peacefully resolve the conflict between the government and the second-largest group of FARC dissidents, and potentially reinvigorate peace initiatives with other groups.  

Peace activists call for an end to fighting in Gaza

As the danger of a full-scale war between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon continues to grow, peace activists around the world, including within Israel itself, came together this week to call for peace. A rally in Tel Aviv aimed to re-energize the Israeli peace movement, bringing together thousands of activists, along with organizations, historians, politicians, and some who had lost family in the October 7th attacks, to put peace back on the agenda and reject violent and divisive rhetoric, while emphasizing the need for Israelis and Palestinians to build a peaceful shared future. Rallies around the world, including in North America, brought together Israelis, Palestinians and peace activists in support of the same agenda, continuing calls to end the war and establish a lasting peace. While the current Israeli government remains committed to war and continues to expand illegal settlements and advocate repression of Palestinians, events like this rally can help to keep the peace movement visible. 

Can Kenya’s peacekeepers in Haiti help make a difference?
Last week, Kenyan police officers deployed to Haiti as part of a long-awaited international support mission, intended to combat gang violence and restore political stability. The mission, approved by the UN, comes at a crucial time, as gangs have taken over much of the capital. The hope is that this force can help to stabilize the country, which has endured consistent political, economic and social turmoil since a major earthquake in 2010, most notably the 2021 assassination of President Jovonel Moise, and the gang revolt this year which essentially overthrew Prime Minister Ariel Henry. Haiti’s new Prime Minister, Garry Conille, faces a challenging future, and visited Washington this week to call for further assistance. However, with little American support for further intervention, political paralysis within the UN Security Council, and the failure of the international community to end ongoing wars in Ukraine, Gaza, and Sudan, he is unlikely to receive the response he hopes for.

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