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This Week in Peace #108: November 28

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Kyiv, Ukraine. Photo via Pexels.

This week, will Ukraine-Russia peace deal reach success? Sudan army rejects US ceasefire proposal. Violence continues in DRC despite peace efforts.

Will Ukraine-Russia Peace Deal Reach Success?

On November 25, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky said he was ready to advance a US-backed framework for ending the war with Russia, and to discuss remaining points of disagreement with United States President Donald Trump in talks he said should include European allies.

However, after Ukraine indicated that Zelensky was prepared to go to Washington to finalize a deal with Trump on the Russia-Ukraine war, Russia launched a missile and drone attack on Kyiv, killing at least seven people and injuring 20 others.

Trump had originally proposed a 28-point peace plan that some European countries criticized as caving in to Russian demands. The UK, France, and Germany drafted a counterproposal that would halt fighting at the front lines, leaving discussions of territory for later. According to a draft viewed by Reuters, the proposal would include a NATO-style US security guarantee for Ukraine.

Zelensky said on November 24 that the peace plan now contained fewer than 28 points and incorporated “correct elements,” and that he would discuss “sensitive issues, the most delicate points” with Trump.

Russia President Vladimir Putin has said the details of the draft peace deal between the US and Ukraine could provide a framework for a future agreement. Putin suggested he was open to developing a new agreement, however, he added that Russia would continue fighting if no deal was struck. 

This development is continuing to unfold, and it remains to be seen if Ukraine and Russia will reach any progress in peace.

Sudan Army Rejects US Ceasefire Proposal

On November 23, Sudan’s army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan said the United States’ latest ceasefire proposal was unacceptable. Burhan insisted that future proposals would also be one-sided as long as the United Arab Emirates is involved in negotiations with Sudan’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF), although the UAE denies supporting the RSF.

In a video address, Burhan said the proposal was was “the worst ever” because it sidelines the army and “allows the Rapid Support Forces to remain.”

Massad Boulos, US President Donald Trump’s senior Africa envoy, denied the bias Burhan accused the US of. He said, “He was making reference to something that does not exist, that has never been presented by us. So we have no idea what he is talking about.”

This development comes after the US, Saudi Arabia, Egypt and UAE proposed a three-month humanitarian truce in September, followed by a permanent ceasefire and transition to civilian rule. The RSF said it had agreed to a humanitarian ceasefire, however, there were later reports of violence by the group. The Sudanese army rejected “foreign interference,” and has repeatedly accused the UAE of providing the RSF with foreign fighters and weapons.

Violence Continues in DRC Despite Peace Efforts

Violence against civilians is continuing in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) despite peace efforts. On November 16, M23 rebels and the DRC government signed a framework for peace in the country’s eastern region. The US’s Africa Envoy Massad Boulos said the document covered eight protocols and that most still required work. He noted that prisoner exchanges and ceasefire monitoring had been slower than originally hoped, BBC reported.

The DRC demanded the withdrawal of Rwandan troops from its territory. Rwanda says this can happen after the DRC-based Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) rebel militia is disbanded. The FDLR is largely made up of ethnic Hutus who participated in the 1994 Rwandan genocide.

Between November 23 and 24, members of the AFC-M23 executed 12 men between the ages of 20 and 40 under the pretext of collaborating with and/or belonging to the “Wazalendo” militia, Agenzia Fides reported.

Keywords: Russia, Ukraine, Sudan, DRC, Congo, DR Congo, peace, conflict, conflict resolution, ceasefire

Summit in Liberia Teaches Youth About Transitional Justice

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Rubber plantation in Margibi county, the county where the summit took place. Photo by Erik Cleves Kristensen via Wikipedia.

Liberia has experienced two civil wars, one from 1989 to 1997, and the other from 1999 to 2003. The wars killed a total of between 150,000 and 200,000 people, and to this day, Liberia’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) has failed to implement many recommendations, such as banning perpetrators from public office. 

A recent summit held in Liberia helped to educate young people about transitional justice, human rights, and reconciliation. The summit, held in Margibi County in November 2025, was organized by the Office for the Establishment of the War and Economic Crimes Court (OWECC-L) in collaboration with UNICEF Liberia.

The summit gathered over 150 students from more than ten schools to bring them into Liberia’s ongoing conversation about accountability, reconciliation, and national healing. Through lectures, workshops, and storytelling, students delved into the history of Liberia’s civil conflicts and the country’s current efforts to establish the War and Economic Crimes Court (WECC) and the National Anti-Corruption Court.

During the summit, students engaged in discussions with legal professionals, human rights advocates, and university interns from the Louis Arthur Grimes School of Law, who served as mentors and trainers, Liberian Observer reported.

Dr. Cllr. Jallah A. Barbu, Executive Director of OWECC-L, described the summit as part of a national strategy to ensure inclusivity in Liberia’s transitional justice process, particularly for children who were either victims, or indirect witnesses of war. “Our mandate is to ensure that every Liberian—including children—is engaged, consulted, and heard in this process,” he told The News. “Many of today’s young people did not experience the war firsthand, but they live with its legacy. Educating them about our history and empowering them to promote peace is essential to preventing future conflicts.”

The Ministry of Justice’s Deputy Minister for Administration Councilor Cora Hare Konuwa discussed how the trauma of conflict, which many young people continue to endure. She recounted the 1989 civil war, and the disastrous impact of using young people in conflicts. 

“Young people were often used because of their energy and influenceability,” she said. “That is why you must now be part of the accountability process to make sure such tragedy never happens again.”

The initiative, Dr. Barbu noted, also reflects the implementation of Executive Orders No. 131 and 148, which originate from Joint Resolution 001/2024—the legal framework guiding the creation of the new courts. For Barbu, engaging young people is a deliberate effort to foster intergenerational dialogue and civic responsibility in a country still healing from decades of division.

Mohammed El-dust Fahnbulleh, representing the Independent National Commission on Human Rights (INCHR), stressed that ongoing advocacy for youth can help keep Liberia moving towards peace and reconciliation. He praised OWECC-L and UNICEF for amplifying youth voices in national conversations on justice.

“We must not allow resistance from policymakers to silence the call for justice. Go back to your communities and tell your leaders, you support the court, and you want transparency, fairness, and accountability,” said Fahnbulleh.

As the program expands beyond Montserrado and Margibi Counties, organizers envision a national network of youth ambassadors leading dialogues in classrooms and communities—spreading the message about Liberia’s war legacy, human rights, and peacebuilding.

Peace News Network (PNN) has written in the past about efforts to empower youth for peace in Liberia. In September 2025, we published an article on how peace camps have been empowering Liberian youth to envision a different future. In July 2025, 50 young people from Liberia’s Maryland and Grand Kru communities gathered in Monrovia for the ninth Annual Peace Through Fair Play (PTFP) Youth Camp, organized by the Gbowee Peace Foundation Africa (GPFA). 

For a week, the youth participated in activities teaching them to build a more peaceful Liberia. These activities included: visiting an ice-cream factory to learn about entrepreneurship; attending a service by a pastor about “walking in purpose and peace;” a session on understanding conflict and root causes of the civil wars; a session on effective communication; and a community-building workshop led by Nobel Peace Laureate Madam Leymah Bgowee. To read the full article, click here.

Keywords: Liberia, youth, transitional justice, summit, Margibi County, OWECC-L, UNICEF, peace, conflict, conflict resolution, Office for the Establishment of the War and Economic Crimes Court, National Anti-Corruption Court

How a Failing Cambodia-Thailand Ceasefire Can Illuminate the Road to Peace

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Khao Phra Wihan National Park – Border between Thailand and Cambodia. Photo via Wikipedia.

Accusations of ceasefire violations between Thailand and Cambodia in November, 2025 have stirred public anger and revived fears that both sides may descend once again into conflict. As statements grow sharper and political pressure intensifies, some voices in politics suggest abandoning the agreement altogether. This sense of alarm is understandable, but it also reflects a fundamental misunderstanding of what ceasefires are and how they function.

Rather than treating a breach as proof of failure, it is more accurate and more constructive to view it as an expected part of the peace process. Ceasefires rarely work perfectly the first time. Their fragility is not a sign that peace is impossible, but a reminder that peace must be built through persistence, learning, and patience.

The Nature of Ceasefires: Fragile, Imperfect, and Necessary

Globally, ceasefires almost always begin in intensely fragile environments. The parties may have agreed to pause violence, but the underlying conditions, distrust, fear, historical grievances, pressure from hard-line supporters, and volatile local dynamics still exist. In such an atmosphere, even a minor incident, whether intentional or accidental, can trigger renewed tension.

Yet, this fragility does not mean the ceasefire is meaningless. It means it is alive. Ceasefires are not stable structures; they are temporary breathing spaces created in the midst of instability. Their purpose is not to eliminate risk, but to provide a foundation for managing risk together.

When societies expect a ceasefire to operate flawlessly, any breach is interpreted as betrayal. But if we understand that fragility is normal, we respond more calmly and avoid escalating a situation that could otherwise be contained.

What the Research Shows: Failure as a Pathway to Success

This understanding is strongly supported by global research. Jason Quinn and Madhav Joshi of the University of Notre Dame’s Kroc Institute studied 196 conflicts between 1975 and 2011. Their findings reveal a pattern that defies common assumptions. Multiple failed ceasefires precede most peace processes that ultimately succeed. These early collapses play a critical role: They expose weak points, clarify misunderstandings, and allow negotiators to refine communication and monitoring systems.

One of the strongest predictors of a durable ceasefire is not how well the first couple attempts hold, but rather whether the parties had prior agreements, even if those agreements had  collapsed. In other words, each failure becomes part of the learning curve that eventually stabilizes the process.

When viewed through this lens, a ceasefire breach is not a catastrophe. It is part of the education of peace.

Leadership in Times of Fragility

Moments of ceasefire tension test leadership more than any other time. Responsible leaders must prevent panic and remind the public that such incidents are expected. They must also calm their own security forces, who may feel angered or threatened and are under pressure from “cheerleaders” who demand a harder line.

Good leadership requires stepping forward to explain that early instability is typical and that recommitment, not retaliation, is what prevents escalation. Without such leadership, societies can easily be drawn into cycles of anger and confrontation, even when no one truly wants the conflict to flare up again.

Ceasefires Create Space for Peace, But Do Not Guarantee It

A ceasefire, by itself, cannot resolve the political and social grievances that fuel conflict. If underlying issues remain unaddressed, such as mistrust, unclear communication channels, insecure borders, or a lack of community engagement, then pressure will build beneath the surface. Expecting the ceasefire itself to deliver peace is unrealistic.

Instead, we should see the ceasefire as one tool among many. It provides space for negotiators to work on deeper problems: political arrangements, economic needs, local security concerns, and mechanisms for preventing escalation. If these elements are not strengthened, even the best ceasefire will remain fragile.

Starting Again, as Many Times as Needed

The key to effective ceasefire management is accepting from the beginning that failure is likely. This mindset does not promote pessimism; it promotes resilience. When a breakdown occurs, the question should not be, “Is peace impossible?” but rather, “What does this teach us about what must be strengthened next?”

Countries around the world have needed multiple ceasefire attempts before reaching a stable peace. Thailand and Cambodia may be no exception. What matters is not whether the ceasefire holds perfectly, but whether both sides remain committed to returning to dialogue after setbacks.

A ceasefire may falter many times. It may cause frustration or disappointment. But it remains a crucial step toward peace, and each attempt brings the parties closer to understanding how to prevent violence more effectively.

The Real Failure Is Giving Up

A failing ceasefire does not mean the peace process has failed. It means the process is underway. What determines the future is not whether clashes occur, but how governments, militaries, and societies respond to them.

If we interpret every breach as a reason to abandon dialogue, then conflict will return. But if we view each incident as part of a long, complicated learning process, then we can respond with the patience and maturity needed to keep the journey moving forward.

We do not fail when a ceasefire breaks. We fail only when we decide that a few breaches is enough to give up on peace.

Keywords: Thailand, Cambodia, ceasefire, peace, conflict, conflict resolution, border conflict, Thai-Cambodian border

This Week in Peace #107: November 21

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Dar es Salam, Tanzania, photo via Pexels.

This week, Malawi’s former president to head Tanzania peace efforts following election violence. UN Security Council approves US’s Gaza peace plan. Ukraine seeks to revive peace talks.

Malawi’s Former President to Head Tanzania Peace Efforts Following Election Violence

Violence has swept through Tanzania following the country’s elections on October 29, 2025. Since the elections, there have been protests against the exclusion of opposition parties on the ballot, and the UN reports that hundreds of protesters have been killed and arrested. However, a collective of African organizations says that around 3,000 have been killed since the election. 

Malawi’s former president Dr. Lazarus Chakwera will lead peace efforts in Tanzania. The Commonwealth announced on November 17 that Dr. Chakwera would undertake a four-day mission to Tanzania from November 18 to 21 as part of the organization’s Good Offices mandate. While there, he will meet with government officials, civil society groups, religious leaders, and diplomatic representatives, The Citizen reported.

The African Union (AU) says that Tanzania’s elections failed to comply with democratic standards. The AU sent a team of 72 observers from its election monitoring arm to Tanzania and Zanzibar for the October 29 elections. On November 19, the team pointed to ballot stuffing, the government-imposed internet blackout, allegations of excessive military force, and politically-motivated abductions as “compromising election integrity.”

UN Security Council Approves US’s Gaza Peace Plan

On November 17, the UN Security Council approved United States President Donald Trump’s peace plan for the Gaza Strip. The 20-point plan includes an International Stabilization Force involving multiple countries, as well as a ‘Board of Peace’ to oversee the plan. The US has not, however, clarified which countries will be involved in these bodies. Financing for Gaza’s reconstruction will come from a trust fund backed by the world bank, according to the resolution.

Thirteen countries backed the proposal, with Russia and China abstaining, and no countries voting against the proposal. 

UNWRA reports that in the last two years, almost 70,000 Palestinians have been reportedly killed in the Gaza Strip and another 170,698 have been injured. Gaza’s humanitarian situation is dire, with Gazans facing difficulties accessing food and health services.

Ukraine Seeks to Revive Peace Efforts to End War With Russia

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy arrived in Turkey on November 19 seeking to revive peace efforts to end the war with Russia. Zelensky was scheduled to attend talks with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Steve Witkoff, US President Donald Trump’s special envoy, later in the day, Kyiv Post reported.

The Turkey talks are among a series of international meetings Zelensky had planned for this week, which will focus on intensifying diplomatic efforts and presenting Ukraine’s latest proposals to its partners. Zelensky says his top priorities are ending the war and securing the release of Ukrainian prisoners. 

This development comes after Ukraine and Russia held three rounds of talks in Istanbul in May, June, and July 2025. Talks have stalled since then, largely due to Russia’s maximalist demands and refusal to agree to a ceasefire.

Keywords: Tanzania, Gaza, Ukraine, Russia, peace, conflict, conflict resolution, Malawi, Trump, US

Language Learning for Reconciliation in Northern Ireland

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Turas Language School, photo provided by author.

In the years since the end of Northern Ireland’s violent conflict known as the ‘Troubles,’ language has been among the most contentious issues. The opposition of pro-British and mainly Protestant unionists to legislation promoting the Irish language was largely responsible for preventing the operation of a power-sharing government between 2017 and 2020. A compromise deal appeared to resolve the issue, but more disputes have arisen. 

At present, one focus is on the demand for bi-lingual signage in the new Belfast Grand Central Station, and another on bi-lingual logos for the Belfast City Council. Controversies like these have the potential to contribute to another collapse of power-sharing. They are part of the wider culture war between unionism and pro-Irish ‘nationalism’ that has raged since the ‘Good Friday’ peace agreement of 1998. 

Unionists believe that greater visibility for Irish in public life diminishes the British character of Northern Ireland, undermining their identity. Nationalists, however, hold Irish as central to their cultural and political identity. Although only a small number of people speak Irish as their main language, it is an important cultural symbol, not least because the language was suppressed over centuries by the British state in Ireland. Nationalists argue that the Good Friday Agreement, which provided for both power-sharing and intercommunal equality, means that the language should be on an equal footing with English, much as it is in the Republic of Ireland. 

Amid this polarised situation, an unlikely project that views Irish as a vehicle of peacebuilding has flourished.

Turas language school, photo provided by author.

Turas, which means journey, is based in a working-class area of inner-city, and staunchly unionist, East Belfast. The surrounding streets are festooned with British and unionist paramilitary symbolism. Yet since its establishment in 2011, it has become the largest Irish language learning centre in Belfast, with hundreds attending its weekly classes. It is managed by the Methodist Church and based in the Skainos centre, a community hub built after the peace agreement. Funding has come from Foras na Gaeilge, a body set up under the Good Friday Agreement to promote Irish. 

Much of Turas’s success and the attention it has garnered are attributable to its founder, Linda Ervine. She says she fell in love with the Irish language after taking a short course as part of a cross-community women’s group. Her interest deepened after she discovered that some of her East Belfast ancestors spoke Irish. She is the sister-in-law of the late David Ervine, a former loyalist paramilitary and politician who won widespread respect for his constructive role in the peace process.

Linda Ervine of Turas, photo provided by author.

Most of the learners at Turas are from a Protestant and unionist community background. Some are fearful of revealing their newfound interest to friends and family. But many are aggrieved that they did not have the chance to learn Irish before. As well as teaching the language, Turas has been active in raising awareness of how, historically, many Protestants spoke Irish, and that nearly all placenames in Northern Ireland, even in the most pro-British areas, are derived from Irish. 

The project also runs a range of cultural events, trips to Irish speaking parts of Ireland, as well as local bus tours highlighting the forgotten Gaelic heritage of East Belfast. Turas’s offices host an Irish language library, open to the public. On the walls of the Turas classroom is a huge map of the streets of Belfast in Irish, and in large letters, the slogan, ‘ag foghlaim le chéile’ (learning together). 

In September 2025, Turas realized a long-held ambition – to open an Irish language primary school in East Belfast. Scoil na Seolta (school of the sails) has faced opposition and threats. Some unionists believe that East Belfast is ‘their’ area and that an Irish language school is alien and threatening. But the school shows there is a demand for Irish language education. It is also the first Irish language ‘integrated’ school, meaning it stands apart from Northern Ireland’s mostly segregated education provision. 

Overall, Turas promotes Irish as something that should not divide but that creates connections: between people and place, between unionists and nationalists in Northern Ireland, between the North and South of Ireland, and even between Ireland and Britain through Scots Gaelic, a language closely related to Irish.

Turas is firmly rooted in the context of Ireland. But there are wider lessons for peace work in other conflict zones about developing cultural projects which undermine polarised nationalist myths, and which are creative, inclusive, and based on an attractive sense of community. 

It is hard to determine the societal impact of a single project such as this. Political unionism continues to oppose the Irish language, despite the long negotiations and some degree of agreement on the issue. But Turas is making a distinct contribution to easing the hostility of many unionists to Irish, and reframing the language as a symbol that can unite, not alienate. 

Keywords: Northern Ireland, Ireland, Belfast, East Belfast, The Troubles, British, Irish, education, peace education, peace, conflict, conflict resolution, Turas, language, language education, Irish language, school