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At a Workshop in Hiroshima, Japanese, Korean, and US Youth Harness Tech to Heal Historical Wounds

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The Hiroshima skyline, photo via Wikipedia.

Japan, South Korea, and the United States are all countries that carry painful memories of conflict. Japan attacked Pearl Harbor in 1941, killing over 2,400 Americans, and the United States’s 1945 nuclear bombings of the Japanese cities of Hiroshima and Nagasaki killed an estimated 135,000 people in Hiroshima, and an estimated 64,000 in Nagasaki. Meanwhile, Japan forcibly ruled Korea from 1910 to 1945.

But today, young leaders from these countries are coming together to use technology to build peace. Japanese, South Korean, and American young leaders gathered in May for a workshop session focused on how new technologies can build peace. The event – part of the U.S. State Department–sponsored Young Trilateral Leaders series – brought 26 participants to the Hiroshima Bunka Koryu Kaikan. The workshop aimed to help the young leaders further their understanding of conflict resolution, inter-group reconciliation, and international relations from historical and cultural perspectives, George Mason University reported.

The opening ceremony began with remarks from Dean Alpaslan Özerdem of GMU’s Carter School, who discussed the workshop’s mission to empower youth with tech tools for peace. Remarks were also given by Hiroshima Mayor Kazumi Matsui, US Consul General for Osaka/Kobe Jason Cubas, and Republic of Korea Consul General Hojeung Kang. The young leaders worked in four multinational teams on plans addressing issues like AI, the challenges of misinformation and disinformation, cybersecurity, the transformative power of peace-oriented technology, and technological platforms for social reconciliation activities between Japan and Korea. 

“We believe that empowering young people with the tools and skills of peacebuilding – especially through the innovative use of technology – unlocks tremendous potential for transformative change across societies,” Dean Özerdem said. He noted that holding the workshop in Hiroshima was especially meaningful. “Hiroshima, a city whose history powerfully reminds us of the critical need for peace and reconciliation,” he said. Özerdem added that the workshop was intended to build lasting partnerships with local peacebuilders. 

The workshop series included four phases, with the Hiroshima session being the third phase. Phase one involved four weeks of online pre-learning. The second phase featured the first in-person workshop, held in Incheon, South Korea. The fourth phase was an online evaluation. 

Last year, Peace News Network (PNN) wrote about another peace initiative related to Hiroshima. A Japanese organization consisting of survivors of the 1945 nuclear bombs that the US dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki won the 2024 Nobel Peace Prize on October 11. The group, Nihon Hindakyo, which was founded in 1956, sends survivors across the globe to share their stories about the suffering and damage caused by nuclear weapons.  

The group says on its website that it has member organizations in all 47 Japanese prefectures, representing almost all survivors of the bombs, known as Hibakusha. It notes that tens of thousands of Hibakusha live in Japan, while thousands more live abroad. The group’s goals, it says, are preventing nuclear war and eliminating nuclear weapons, securing state compensation for atomic bomb damages, and improving policies and measures on the protection and assistance of the Hibakusha. To read the full article, click here.

Keywords: Hiroshima, Nagasaki, Japan, United States, US, Korea, South Korea, tech, tech for peace, techonology, conflict, conflict resolution, reconciliation

DRC and Rwanda Set to Sign Peace Agreement

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Bukavu, a city in DRC captured by M23 rebels, photo via Wikipedia.

After months of escalating violence in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and prolonged diplomatic efforts, the DRC and Rwanda are set to formally sign a peace agreement in Washington, DC on June 27, 2025. This marks a major turning point in a conflict that has devastated the region.

Renewed Conflict and US-Led Mediation

The conflict reignited violently earlier this year when the M23 rebel group, allegedly backed by between 3,000 and 12,000 Rwandan soldiers, captured strategic cities including Goma and Bukavu in January and February 2025. These gains compounded a humanitarian emergency across eastern DRC, where hundreds of thousands were displaced and around 7,000 people were killed in early 2025.

Amid this crisis, the US intensified its diplomatic role. On April 25, 2025, US Secretary of State Marco Rubio presided over a “Declaration of Principles” signing in Washington, attended by the foreign ministers of both nations, affirming respect for each country’s sovereignty and launching plans toward a comprehensive peace accord. These plans included refraining from militarily supporting nonstate armed groups, facilitating the return of Congolese refugees living in Rwanda and internally displaced persons within DRC, and supporting UN peacekeeping forces in eastern DRC.  

The peace deal that DRC and Rwanda are expected to sign on June 27 builds on the Declaration of Principles.  

Key Provisions and Conditionality

The agreement outlines the following commitments:

  1. Respect for territorial integrity and a prohibition of hostilities.
  1. Disengagement, disarmament, and conditional integration of non-state armed groups.
  1. The establishment of a Joint Security Coordination Mechanism, which incorporates a proposal discussed by the parties last year under Angolan mediation. 
  1. The facilitation of the return of refugees and internally displaced persons, as well as humanitarian access.
  1. A regional economic integration framework. 

The deal is framed around the US’s strategic interests. A recent Financial Times article notes how President Donald Trump’s administration drove the agreement, linking peace to American access to Congo’s minerals—copper, cobalt, lithium, and coltan—essential for many industries. In an article published in May, Chatham House observed that these “minerals-for-security” deals hinge on major US corporate involvement and regulatory clarity to persuade businesses to enter this high-risk zone. 

Challenges and Skepticism

Despite the positive development, some analysts are hesitant about the peace agreement. Political scientist Christian Moleka told The Associated Press the duration of this peace agreement will depend on meaningful security reform by Kinshasa and sustained support from the international community.

Human rights organizations, notably Physicians for Human Rights (PHR), caution that the absence of provisions for justice, especially addressing sexual violence in eastern DRC, risks the agreement becoming a superficial “extractive settlement.” UN Security Council Resolution  2773, passed in February 2025, condemns M23 actions and urges immediate withdrawal of foreign support and accountability for war crimes.

Regional and Global Implications

If successful, the June 27 agreement could drive major change. It would represent the first durable truce between Kinshasa and Kigali since the 2022–present conflict reignited. It also signals deeper U.S. engagement in African affairs—tying economic deals to security and countering Chinese and Russian influence in the mineral sector.

Regional bodies such as the African Union, East African Community, and Southern African Development Community (SADC) had attempted to mediate earlier, but their efforts faltered—often due to a lack of political cohesion or withdrawal of troops. This US-backed agreement may reestablish regional confidence and promote joint peacekeeping operations.

What to Watch: From Signing to Implementation

Key indicators that will signal progress include:

  • Progress on disarmament and integration for armed groups, particularly M23, and deployments of joint security patrols.
  • The return of civilians to contested areas, including the coordination of humanitarian aid and UN protection.
  • Investment from US and western-backed bodies into mining and infrastructure projects.
  • Monitoring mechanisms, both UN and regional, to ensure compliance and maintain accountability for violations.

Whether this agreement will work remains to be seen, and many in the region will judge whether fragile hope can be cemented into a sustainable peace.

Keywords: Democratic Republic of the Congo, DRC, peace, Congo, Rwanda, M23, rebels, conflict, conflict resolution, peace agreement, Africa

This Week in Peace #87: June 20

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Goma, Democratic Republic of the Congo, UN Armored Vehicle in Urban Conflict Zone, photo by Safi Erneste via Pexels.

This week, civilians suffer in Israel-Iran conflict as UN calls for diplomacy, tensions continue amidst Thai-Cambodian border dispute after meeting, UN accuses M23 and Congolese troops of possible war crimes.

Civilians Suffer in Israel-Iran Conflict, UN Calls for Diplomacy

Civilians are bearing the brunt of the conflict between Israel and Iran. On June 19, international media reported that, according to the Washington-based group Human Rights Activists, Israel’s strikes on Iran had killed 639 people. The group says it identified 263 civilians and 154 security force personnel killed. Meanwhile, Israel reports 24 people killed.

On June 18, UN human rights deputy chief Nada Al-Nashif said the UN human rights office urged de-escalation and “urgent diplomatic negotiations to end these attacks and find a way forward.” Al-Nashif added that “It is imperative that both sides fully respect international law, in particular by ensuring the protection of civilians in densely populated areas and of civilian objects.”

Meanwhile, US President Donald Trump is in the midst of deciding whether the US will get involved in the conflict. CNN reported on June 18 that a situation room meeting called by Trump had just ended, and that Trump had said earlier that his patience “has already run out” with Tehran. Trump has since said that he will make a decision on whether or not to strike Iran’s nuclear facilities within two weeks.

After Meeting, Tensions continue Amidst Thai-Cambodian Border Dispute

Border tensions are continuing between Thailand and Cambodia following the killing of a Cambodian soldier by Thai soldiers on the border on May 28. After their two-day meeting of their Joint Boundary Commission (JBC) in Phnom Penh on June 14 and 15, the two countries emerged with no conclusions on the dispute. 

Since then, more tensions between Thailand and Cambodia have ensued. Cambodia has banned fruit and vegetable imports from Thailand, along with banning Thai films from television and cinemas. Thailand has limited border crossing times, and has barred Thai casino tourists and workers from entering Cambodia.

In order to resolve the dispute, Thai Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra ordered the establishment of the Special Operations Centre for Thai-Cambodian Border Situations Management (SOC-TCBSM), which held its first meeting on June 17. Thai Deputy Defence Minister General Natthapon Nakpanich confirmed that the center should be open for no longer than a month, and that “we will work swiftly to resolve the situation.”

Thailand said the clash on May 28 occurred when its soldiers were trying to negotiate with Cambodian troops to move away from a contested area, however, “Cambodian forces misunderstood the situation and started using weapons, so Thai forces retaliated,” said Thai army spokesman Major General Winthai Suvaree. The incident took place between Cambodia’s Preah Vihear province and Thailand’s Ubon Ratchathani province.

Tensions between Thailand and Cambodia escalated in 2008 over a Hindu temple, paving the way for more violence over many years.

UN Accuses M23 and Congolese Troops of Possible War Crimes

On June 16, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights said in Geneva that the M23 armed group, Congolese troops, and allied militias had all committed human rights abuses in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), with some abuses possibly amounting to war crimes.This was according to OHCHR’s Fact-Finding Mission in the region, which is continuing to investigate other violations of international humanitarian law.

The UN human rights office reported that the M23 rebels arbitrarily arrested police officers and many civilians, including children, after they took over cities and villages earlier this year. Witnesses said the M23 was still holding many of those captured in “inhumane conditions,” and forcibly recruiting them. The mission is also investigating alleged arbitrary arrests and enforced disappearances of suspected M23 supporters by the military intelligence arm of the DRC armed forces.  

UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk said that M23 carried out summary and extrajudicial executions which likely amount to war crimes. There have also been reports of death threats, detention and other retaliations against human rights defenders, journalists, and civil society members viewed as critical of the M23. This includes the killings of at least two activists. At the same time, the mission is investigating alleged summary executions by members of the DRC armed forces and DRC-backed Wazalendo militias.

The mission received reports of “horrific” sexual violence by all parties as reprisal against communities and relatives of rivals, as well as different ethnic groups. Almost 40 percent of survivors of gender-based and sexual violence in North and South Kivu are children, with UNICEF estimating that during the most intense phase of the conflict, a child was raped every 30 minutes.  

Turk called on all parties to come to a ceasefire, resume negotiations, and respect international humanitarian and human rights law. 

This development comes after, earlier this week, Head of MONUSCO Bintou Keita met with M23, and said the group showed a willingness to seek a peaceful solution to the conflict in Eastern DRC. It remains to be seen whether peace will emerge, and whether those who have committed abuses will be held accountable.

Keywords: Iran, Israel, Thailand, Cambodia, DRC, Congo, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Goma, war, conflict, conflict resolution, peace

What Motivates UN Peacekeepers?

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UN Peacekeepers on Patrol in Urban Area, photo by Safi Ernest via Pexels.

In recent decades, soldiers from dozens of nations have been involved in multinational peacekeeping operations (PKOs) led by the United Nations (UN) or regional organisations in a major effort to promote peace. In most cases, the environments are scenes of recently concluded internal conflicts, where a considerable level of violence remains, and UN troops need to protect themselves, UN and humanitarian personnel, and vulnerable civilians against attacks and hostile actions. In these scenarios, although most troops perform well, some contingents fail in their tasks, compromising the prospects of mission success. As UN Security Council Resolution 2518 (2020) points out, national-imposed caveats, poor military leadership, and a lack of willingness to act assertively are among the root causes of the problem. All of these limitations are linked to the issue of peacekeeping troops’ motivation.

Soldiers’ motivations in PKOs and the role of legitimacy

Several combat-motivating factors apply to PKOs, including the sense of duty, discipline, leadership, and unit cohesion. In addition, notions about the legitimacy of their role are a strong motivator for soldiers, particularly in international peace operations, where defending their homeland is not in question. In such circumstances, the blue helmets perceive their legitimacy in using force as coming from the cause of peace.

In previous research, I surveyed Brazilian blue helmets who served with the UN in Haiti in 2005 to assess the relevance of combat motivation factors. The soldiers were presented with five factors, each summarised in a short statement, and asked to indicate the ones that motivated them to engage with armed gangs in the mission. They could add other factors. The responses that received more mentions were: (1) legitimacy of the cause (“It was important for peace and to help the people of Haiti.”); (2) sense of duty (“It was my duty, and I had to stick to it.”); (3) unit cohesion (“I had to help my platoon fulfil its mission.”); (4) efficiency of one’s force (“I relied on my armament and equipment and our armoured personnel carriers, which were far superior to the weapons used by the gangs.”); and (5) leadership (“I followed my platoon leader.”). 

In another study in 2023 with a similar focus, blue helmets from high-performing peacekeeping battalions in Haiti, Lebanon, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo were asked about the relevance of four motivating factors associated with the UN’s legitimacy: the legality of the UN’s use of force in PKOs, the host country’s consent to the peacekeeping mission, the local population’s perception that the mission is beneficial, and the cause of peace and support for people in need. The cause of peace and support for people in need was most often cited as the most important or second most important factor in motivating soldiers. It was followed by the sense that the local population perceived the peace mission as beneficial.

States’ attitude as an endorsement of UN legitimacy to use force for peace

For the UN’s legitimacy in using force not to be tarnished in the eyes of peacekeepers, troop-contributing countries (TCCs) must understand that participation in peacekeeping missions implies a commitment to peace and UN objectives and be prepared for the efforts that this entails. Hence, the importance of deploying military contingents without restricting the UN’s use of them in the event of risky missions. The UN Force Commander must have full operational command of his troops for critical tasks, such as protecting civilians from armed attacks.

However, current times bring a series of complications to achieving basic consensus in peacekeeping. As pointed out by the UN Under-Secretary-General for Peacekeeping Operations in a recent interview, the biggest challenge to peacekeeping nowadays is divisions between UN member states, particularly those in the UN Security Council, troop contributors, and missions’ host countries, regarding the firm and united support that must be extended to the peacekeeping missions.

It must also be considered that the homeland is always the first loyalty of soldiers. Therefore, only when their country has a peace-oriented rationale can soldiers draw motivation from the UN’s legitimate use of force for peace. However, the literature on UN peacekeeping often presents selfish reasons for states to participate in PKOs, such as seeking prestige, exercising hegemony, or supplementing defence budgets through UN reimbursements. These motives are unlikely to generate sincere efforts and motivate troops to fight for peace.

Key recommendations

Questions of legitimacy continually shape discourses to engage armed forces in wars to protect state interests. However, political authorities frequently fail to refer to legitimacy upon sending military contingents to PKOs. Considering that legitimacy is crucial for the endorsement of government decision-making and to motivate soldiers during challenging engagements, it is recommended that the commitment of troops to the UN be preceded by appropriate discussions at the state level and announced with relevant justifications.

It is also recommended that, in the education and training of soldiers, greater attention be given to the circumstances that make the use of force in UN PKOs legitimate, such as legality, consent, and the protection of vulnerable and threatened populations. Activities to develop and enhance the sense of legitimacy concern the UN and the TCCs, but with specific functions. The UN guides the peacekeeping training and assesses the preparedness of contingents. On the other hand, the soldiers’ affective and psychological preparation is the member states’ sole responsibility. Therefore, TCCs should incorporate these aspects into peacekeeping training programs and methodologies to explore them further. Ultimately, troop contributors must create the conditions for a process of military socialisation that leads to the development of subtle and nuanced aspects of the legitimacy concept, such as the appreciation for the cause of peace and solidarity with populations in a state of vulnerability.

A final recommendation is linked to the notion of cosmopolitanism. As a concept that views the interrelation between human groups as governed by universal values, cosmopolitanism connects with the legitimacy concept through the UN’s ideals and the cause of peace. Thus, the legitimacy of using force to keep peace and protect civilians in PKOs and the cosmopolitan attitude of empathy towards vulnerable foreign nationals become reinforcing motivations. However, soldiers’ motivation by cosmopolitanism is not a question of military education or training. They need to assimilate cosmopolitan attitudes from their national societies.

Keywords: United Nations, UN, UN peacekeepers, peacekeeping troops, peace, conflict, conflict resolution

Head of MONUSCO Meets with M23 in DRC: A Spark of Effective Peace?

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Corneille Nangaa, Rebel leader of the AFC-M23, and Bintou Keita, Head of the Monusco in the DRC, in front of the press for the reading of the final statement of the meeting, on June 13, 2025. Photo by Anicet Kimonyo

The Head of the UN Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) met with the delegation of the Alliance Fleuve Congo and the March 23 movement (AFC/M23) at the Serena Hotel in Goma on Friday, June 13, 2025. At the end of these exchanges, which lasted several hours, Head of MONUSCO Bintou Keita emphasized the AFC/M23’s willingness to seek a peaceful solution to the conflict in Eastern DRC. She also affirmed MONUSCO’s commitment to initiatives that promote a return to calm.

The delegation of the Monusco led by Bintou Keita, Representative of the Secretary General of the United Nations, in front of the Representative of the Secretary General and Head of the Monusco DRC, Bintou Keita in Goma for a listening mission, on June 13, 2025. Photo by Anicet Kimonyo.

After more than seven hours of discussions between representatives of the AFC/M23 and the Head of the UN Mission in the DRC, it emerged that the AFC/M23, a rebel movement occupying the cities of Goma and Bukavu as well as a large part of the North and South Kivu provinces, expressed a desire to find a peaceful end to the conflict that led it to take up arms at the end of November 2021. MONUSCO is encouraging all actions likely to lead to a return of peace. 

It was Bintou Keita who announced the main points of this meeting to the press at the end of the sessions. “MONUSCO remains committed to supporting all initiatives likely to promote a de-escalation of tensions,” she stated while highlighting the desire for a peaceful resolution to the conflicts expressed by the M23 rebels and their allies during this meeting. “The leaders of the AFC/M23 have expressed their willingness to find a peaceful solution to the crisis,” she added. 

Corneille Nangaa, rebel leader of the AFC-M23, and Bintou Keita, Head of the Monusco in the DRC, in front of the press for the reading of the final statement of the meeting, on June 13, 2025. Photo by Anicet Kimonyo.

Civilians in Goma have said that they want “peace, nothing but peace.” For many residents of the city, this meeting was a sign of the return of peace in this city occupied since January 2025 by AFC/M23 rebels, where a large part of the population struggles to resume their pre-war activities. Residents such as Nabuanja Joseph are happy with Bintou’s visit and message, although they want to wait for firm and clear decisions. “We were expecting a clear message directly linked to the return of peace,” confessed Joseph. 

Even in areas under the control of the Congolese army, Bintou Keita’s arrival is a glimmer of hope for the return of peace in the DRC. This is the case for Espoir Mwinuka, an activist from the citizen movement Lutte pour le changement (Fight for Change). “The civilian population and Congolese in general want to see that zones, cities, territories occupied by rebels are completely liberated so that socio-economic life can resume normally,” he said.

Mwinuka deplores the poor living conditions of the population in the areas occupied by the AFC/M23 rebels, particularly their non-respect for human rights. He describes this part of the country as an “open-air prison” and advocates for the return of peace.  He does admit, however, that those who fled the atrocities of war last January are struggling in the places where they have relocated. For him, Keita is the remedy for a peaceful solution as soon as possible.

Portrait of the Representative of the UN Secretary-General and head of Monusco in the DRC in Goma during her meeting with the armed movement of the AFC-M23, on June 13, 2025. Photo by Anicet Kimonyo.

Keita also noted that with the facilitation of the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), the Congolese government, AFC/M23, and MONUSCO, 1,359 members of the Congolese armed forces and national police were transferred from Goma to Kinshasa. These soldiers had taken refuge in MONUSCO facilities during the takeover of Goma on January 27 and 28, 2025. They had been cared for by MONUSCO for 90 days before their repatriation to Kinshasa became effective.

The delegation of the Monusco led by Bintou Keita, Representative of the Secretary General of the United Nations, in front of the Representative of the Secretary General and Head of the Monusco DRC, Bintou Keita in Goma for a listening mission, on June 13, 2025. Photo by Anicet Kimonyo.

For nearly two months, the Congolese government and the M23 rebels have been negotiating in Doha under the mediation of Qatar for a peace agreement. In parallel with the negotiations between the DRC and the AFC-M23, the DRC is holding discussions with Rwanda under the facilitation of Washington.

The negotiations between the Congolese government and the M23 rebels aim to address the root causes of the conflict in order to restore peace and sustainable development. Meanwhile, the discussions between the DRC and Rwanda are being facilitated by Washington. These discussions aim for a peace and cooperation agreement between the DRC and Rwanda for stability and sustainable development not only in the Grand Lake region, but also in the two neighboring countries, which accuse each other of supporting rebellions and destabilizing their national territories.

Keywords: DRC, Goma, M23, AFC, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda, conflict, conflict resolution, peace MONUSCO, Bintou Keita