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Exploring Peacebuilding in Southern Thailand: Key Insights from the 2023 Peace Survey

The southern provinces of Thailand, including Pattani, Yala, Narathiwat, and four districts of Songkhla province (Chana, Thepa, Na Thawi, and Saba Yoi), have experienced an almost 19 year-long conflict, from 2004 to 2023. The conflict has deeply affected the daily lives of people in the area. From 2004 to 2023, there were 22,296 violent incidents, resulting in 7,547 deaths and 14,028 injuries. The majority of the victims, 83.19%, have been male, with females comprising 14.91% (Deep South Watch, 2023)1. At the conflict’s peak in 2007, there were 2,396 violent incidents, 1,670 injuries, and 892 deaths. These numbers declined in later years, and in 2023 there were 481 violent incidents, 217 injuries, and 116 deaths.

In an effort to better understand the dynamics of this conflict and its effects on the population, a collaborative initiative known as the “Peace Survey” has been conducted.

The Peace Survey is a joint initiative involving a network of 25 academic institutions and civil society organizations from both within and beyond the southern provinces of Thailand. These organizations are engaged in diverse missions and roles connected to peacebuilding and regional development. The survey’s purpose is to examine how social, economic, and political factors influence people’s emotions and attitudes toward the peace process and local conflicts.

The Peace Survey began in 2016, with the most recent edition, Peace Survey #7, conducted in 2023. This latest survey included 1,312 respondents, with a slight majority of female respondents (734 or 55.9%), and slightly fewer male respondents (578 or 44.1%).

One of the key questions in the survey asked respondents about their awareness of peace talks. The results showed that nearly half of the respondents (49.9%) had heard about peace talks. Despite the ongoing conflict over 19 years, the survey found that 70.3% of respondents support the idea of using peace talks as a solution to the conflict. The findings indicate that the majority of people continue to support dialogue as a means to restore peace and resolve the problem. While the majority of respondents support peace talks, a significant portion remains skeptical, highlighting the need for those involved in the dialogue process to work harder to build trust.

The survey also touched on perceptions of the conflict’s current state. Despite a decline in direct violence, 49.0% of respondents feel that the situation has either remained the same or worsened over the past year, suggesting that unresolved underlying issues continue to affect the region.

Women’s participation in peacebuilding was another important aspect of the survey. Over half of the respondents believe that women should play a role in all aspects of peacebuilding. The most significant roles identified for women include providing remedy, rehabilitation, and support for those affected by violence (68.6%), creating safe spaces in communities (64.3%), protecting human rights and seeking justice (57.7%), and participating in peace talks (48.2%).

When asked what the new government should prioritize to solve the problems in the southern provinces, a majority of respondents emphasized the importance of developing the local economy to promote careers and generate income (81.6%). Addressing drug abuse (65.9%) and reforming education to better accommodate local culture (25.7%) were also highlighted as key priorities. These top recommendations reflect the immediate concerns of the respondents, focusing on improving livelihoods, combating drug abuse, and promoting local identity and culture.

The insights gathered from the Peace Survey are crucial for the government and other stakeholders as they develop future peacebuilding interventions in the southernmost provinces of Thailand. 

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1Deep South Watch. (2023). Conflict incident database. Retrieved from https://deepsouthwatch.org/

Congolese refugees imagine a peaceful agrarian future with their Rwandan neighbors

In July 2024, the United Nations reported that in just one week, over 150,000 people were displaced due to an escalation of violence in North Kivu, Democratic Republic of the Congo. This was the result of ongoing fighting led, in part, by the M23 rebels. One month prior, an investigation commissioned by the UN Security Council revealed that the DRC’s neighbor, Rwanda, has actively backed this armed group, where its military – the Rwanda Defence Force – is identified as having ‘de facto’ control over M23.

For many decades, the DRC has regretfully become known as a global forced displacement hotspot. After Syria and Sudan, it has the third highest level of internal displacement from conflict at  7.3 million, with an additional 1 million as refugees or asylum seekers in other African countries. 

Over 82,000 Congolese refugees are in Rwanda, with many there for nearly three decades. The vast majority (88%) inhabit one of five camps located in rural areas, with the remainder in urban areas or transit centres. As is rather common, towns and villages have seen significant growth around these camps, largely due to the microeconomies that emerge through and from the camp’s infusion of finance, goods, services, and labour. In Rwanda, studies have shown that host communities have largely benefitted from nearby camps, leading to a diversification of economic activities and improved schooling outcomes. Some Congolese refugees envision a future in which the Rwandan government, or other organizations and institutions, provide land for refugees and landless Rwandans to work together, tackling food scarcity and building peace.

Rwandan reconciliation as a model for host-refugee relations 

The proximity of camps to Rwandan settlements has led to the exchange of ideas and experiences, where Congolese refugees have become intimately familiar with Rwanda’s journey towards reconciliation following its 1994 genocide. The human toll and geographic scale of violence, along with the limited capacity of the justice system to lead trials for perpetrators led to the creation of gacaca courts, a pre-colonial and forum-based community court able to administer community-level justice. While there remain grievances on how justice was administered during these trials, Rwanda has been relatively stable since 1994..

This is something Congolese refugees witnessed firsthand, albeit through the spatial intermediary of camp life. And as ethnographic research revealed, Congolese who themselves sought refuge from interethnic strife considered this as strong evidence of the resilience of the Rwandan people and their commitment to peaceful relations between each other. As such, when imagining what their future in Rwanda would look like, they considered this reconciliation model as something that could be replicated to mediate the relationship between them and their Rwandan hosts. This would be a future where Rwandan citizens and Congolese refugees work together to achieve common goals. 

Farming for peace and food security

Peace is not simply the absence of conflict. It also includes its material outcomes and a certain sense of existential satisfaction. As J.B., a Congolese woman from Maisisi, put it, “Returning to land means returning to a time of peace and community before the conflict. Because of what land can give us, it also means peace for our bodies … Peace is not just people getting along.” 

Many Congolese refugees currently living in Rwanda have rural origins and agrarian know-how. They often discuss using their agricultural knowledge to improve food security due to their regular concerns about accessing food. “The first thing we need is food – nutritious food for a good diet … That is the future. By cultivating we can have two things at once: we can work and we can eat,” explained R.M., 22. Within the context of a focus group setting, community leaders outlined a future where the government would provide land for currently landless Rwandans and refugees to work together. Tying social cohesion to Rwandan reconciliation, a Congolese man originally from Rutshuru explained “…we need to work with Rwandans … we can’t start a project that excludes them. They’ve been generous. I’ve worked with them for some years and they are good people. What happened here in Rwanda, it was horrible. But they found reconciliation and now everyone works together.”

A pragmatic approach to durable solutions

UNHCR widely advocates for its three solutions to situations of forced displacement. However, the number of resettled Congolese refugees has remained low. As for voluntary repatriation, such a movement will depend on the ceasing of hostilities in eastern DRC. While Angola announced in late July that Rwanda and the DRC had effectively reached a ceasefire agreement, other such ceasefires have occurred with little measurable impact towards sustainable conflict termination in this region. 

A pragmatic approach recognizes the above as unfortunate realities, focusing its energies on the third solution: local integration. Rwanda has shown a commitment towards environmental peacebuilding approaches, facilitating the building of social cohesion between Rwandans and refugees through agricultural work, namely through its Misizi and Mushishito agricultural projects. These projects can be upscaled, and as testified above by Congolese refugees inhabiting Mahama camp, there is great willpower and expertise amongst them to work alongside their Rwandan neighbors.

This Week in Peace #48: September 6

This week, UN envoy links Colombia’s peace challenges to economic segregation. Negotiations on Gaza ceasefire falter amid disputes over key issues. Sudanese women call for gender-inclusive mediation process.

UN envoy links Colombia’s peace challenges to economic segregation

UN Special Rapporteur Olivier De Schutter has spoken out against the severe impact of Colombia’s economic segregation on its peace efforts, comparing it to a caste system. De Schutter told Reuters that Colombia’s stratified economic system perpetuates social and economic divides, preventing meaningful social mobility and exacerbating poverty. 

Colombia’s government groups households into six different economic strata, with wealthier citizens paying more for utilities to subsidize poorer communities. De Schutter said that although this is a well-intentioned plan, it results in segregation and continued poverty. This segregation makes it difficult for people from different economic backgrounds to form connections, which further entrenches poverty and makes disadvantaged youth more vulnerable to recruitment by armed groups, he said. President Gustavo Petro has pushed to reduce Colombia’s poverty by raising minimum wage and reforming pension policies. He has also tried to negotiate peace deals with rebel groups. Still, Colombia’s cocaine trade in areas with heavy fighting between rebels and the army remains a major issue.

Negotiations on Gaza ceasefire falter amid disputes over key issues

The proposed ceasefire and hostage agreement between Israel and Hamas is 90% complete, yet significant disputes persist. Key sticking points include the exchange of prisoners and the withdrawal of Israeli forces from Gaza, especially concerning the Philadelphi Corridor along the Egyptian border. U.S. officials, in coordination with Qatar and Egypt, are preparing to present a “final” proposal. Despite previous setbacks, there is renewed urgency following the recent killing of six hostages by Hamas.

Netanyahu’s public statements emphasizing the corridor’s importance have been criticized by U.S. officials as unhelpful. The current negotiation proposal involves a phased withdrawal of Israeli troops and the release of Palestinian prisoners in exchange for hostages, but Hamas’s recent actions and the Israeli government’s stance on the corridor complicate finalizing the deal.

With the talks ongoing, there is increasing frustration from hostage families and international mediators, who continue to push for a resolution amid tensions and skepticism from both sides.

Sudanese women call for gender-inclusive mediation process

Sudanese women leaders from 16 different organizations called for a gender-inclusive mediation process to address Sudan’s dire civil war. In a communique to Sudan Tribune, the leaders urged mediators from Sudan’s Tumaini Peace Initiative to consult with communities impacted by conflict, stakeholders, and the general population about their views and experiences. The Tumaini Peace Initiative is a high-level mediation which began in May 2024, which seeks permanent peace in South Sudan. 

The women leaders said that all political parties should adhere to the 35% affirmative action policy for women by appointing more women to leadership positions, and stop replacing women in decision-making roles with men.

The group called on parties to prioritize the Tumaini process, and foster dialogue and “national consensus that includes women and civil society organizations.” It also called for support for civil society and women’s groups in conducting civic education, promoting dialogue, and peacebuilding.

Regenerative production as a vehicle for environmental peacebuilding? An exploratory case from Uganda

The number of active armed conflicts is growing around the globe. One key influencer, though importantly not determinant, in these events is environmental change—mostly caused by humans. The body of research on environment and conflict has grown rapidly in the last couple of decades, with some clarity and also some outstanding questions. Concurrently, there are also important questions on how to harness environmental challenges for cooperation and peacebuilding. Evidence suggests that it is possible for environmental challenges to be a source of peacebuilding. However, it is not always a clear or even possible path, and there can be potential adverse effects to such pursuits. Part of the challenge stems from the complex and increasing cumulative effects of environmental change and the cascading effects of these changes ranging from migration to unsustainable livelihoods to catastrophic and/or repetitive disaster events. Another key challenge is a lack of evidence with which to parse these complex interactions. This is especially true at the community level, as most of the  research has focused on the international and national levels to date.

But what happens at the local level when attempting to harness environmental challenges as a centrifuge for peacebuilding and restoration? Can degraded peace and ecosystems be simultaneously restored? If so, what factors are most important for calibrating peace praxis and sustainable interventions—e.g., institutions, social norms, capacities and capabilities, etc.? These questions remain open in environmental peacebuilding yet are more pressing by the day in a world increasingly in conflict. 

While the data to date is scant, some organizations are putting these questions to the test. Working with the Bethany Land Institute (BLI) in Luwero District, Uganda, we have begun to explore the potential for regenerative production to be a vehicle for sustainable peacebuilding and ecosystem revitalization. BLI is a two-year in-residence regenerative agriculture training program that helps young adults—what they call Caretakers—develop skills that produce a sustainable livelihood in the face of increasing challenges such as climate change while also giving them the skills to be agents of change in their communities.

Regenerative production broadly includes those processes of material production that do not harm the environment and promote nature flourishing. Regenerative agriculture is one type of regenerative production that includes a variety of practices from agroforestry that can reforest while producing food to no-till, cover crop farming, that restores soil profiles and microbiomes. While shown to be effective for its primary aim, the question is, can it also promote peacebuilding?

On its face regenerative agriculture could be a pathway for sustainable development that could contribute to peacebuilding by bringing local people from different backgrounds together. However, conceptually it is not without its challenges, as BLI has experienced first-hand. First, to do regenerative agriculture requires technical skill and deep knowledge of the local environment. Increasingly people are losing such knowledge due to previous displacement, the shedding of traditional practices, and other mechanisms of loss or erasure. 

Practicing regenerative agriculture also means you are adding value to your land—e.g., building your soil nutrient load. But if the land is not actually your land, for example, if it is rented, value is added to someone else’s asset who might want to claim it. This happened to BLI, when their agroforestry process began yielding a new forest that the owners soon desired. This led to the annulment of  the land deed and a legal battle which is still playing out.

These challenges can complicate the answer to whether regenerative agriculture can serve as a vehicle for peacebuilding. However, solutions to these challenges  can contribute to the conditions necessary for peace. For example, the communication and technical assistance often needed for initiating a regenerative agriculture farm can foster trust and open lines of discussion between farmers and either government extension workers or locally operating NGOs. Caretakers have noted how intentionally sharing their skills with other farmers in their communities has fostered not only improved communication and cooperation, but also trust and a shared identity within the community. Caretakers also note how these relationships have allowed them and their community members to remain in place, allowing for farming even through ‘rough seasons’ with unusually high temperatures and drought events. Their collective action and shared identity based on collective perseverance, therefore, can be seen as an indicator of sustainable positive peace. 

More evidence is needed to evaluate when, how, and under what circumstances regenerative agriculture, and regenerative production more broadly, can contribute to peacebuilding. Thankfully, as the need to simultaneously build peace and restore ecosystems is only growing, the potential promise of regeneration seems plausible. If in the end it proves broadly effective, it might be the most potent tool against the greatest challenges to humanity today.

Afghan Women Struggle to Enjoy Relative Peace

Shakira Bakhtari, an Afghan lawyer and advocate for family violence prevention, says that while the country is experiencing relative peace, Afghan women are far from enjoying its benefits due to severe restrictions imposed by the Taliban.

Traditional local councils, or jirgas, remain crucial in resolving local disputes, particularly over affairs like land, marriage dowries, and conflicts between families. “In the past, there were significant disputes when a boy from a Taliban family was supposed to marry a girl whose father worked for the previous government. It took months of gathering people and holding discussions, but eventually, the issue was resolved through the jirga.” However, women in Afghanistan are still trapped by severe restrictions. “We are limited,” Bakhtari. says. “Even though there is relative peace, women can’t work or leave their homes. We want peace so we can go out, work, and serve our people… we feel like we can’t do anything.”

According to Bakhtari, without women’s participation, society suffers. “It’s stressful. Families generate less income, and it’s like an aircraft flying with only one wing—it will fall soon. Peace alone can’t put bread on the table. Many families have lost their male breadwinners in war, and now women need to step up to support them,” she explains. However, one of the most significant challenges for women is the requirement to have a mahram, a male guardian, to travel or work. “We can’t go to the office… It is a place of capacity building” Bakhtari  recounts receiving warnings for traveling without a mahram within 75 kilometers. Under current regulations, women must have a male guardian, or mahram, if they travel more than 75 kilometers (46 miles) or leave the country. Additionally, if a woman violates the dress code, her male relatives may be subject to penalties. “So many women are left without a mahram, and even if the office they work for provides a separate accommodation, it’s still a problem. Those who travel are stopped and questioned.”

For Bakhtari, the notion of peace is hollow if women are trapped at home. “If I’m confined to my house, peace doesn’t mean anything to me as an Afghan woman. This peace is wasting our time,” she laments. “We need to be able to use this peace—to work and go to school. The government must tackle these internal problems.”

As Bakhtari and countless other Afghan women struggle to find their place in a country that claims to be at peace, the question remains: Is it truly peace if half the population is left behind?

Amanullah Ludin, an Afghan writer based in Toronto, Canada, has dedicated his work to exploring themes of peace and stability in Afghanistan. He believes that the stability and well-being of societies depend on achieving and maintaining national peace. 

Ludin stresses the importance of international efforts in guiding nations toward peace. “International efforts are very important in assisting and directing nations toward peace,” he states, noting that international principles can serve as valuable tools in the pursuit of peace. By implementing them, “countries can reap the benefits of their significance and direction, ultimately aiding in the achievement of peace.”

However, Ludin cautions that merely referencing international principles is not enough to create and sustain long-term peace. He argues that “it is paramount to make the most of some positive aspects of traditional practices that local populations understand and can consider as their own.” For example, he highlights the importance of community gatherings in resolving disputes and fostering peace. “Thanks to these traditional practices, people feel they are part of the decision-making process, develop a sense of ownership about the adopted strategies, and will most likely actively engage in the process of promoting peace,” Ludin explains.

These bottom-up approaches, he believes, are “one concrete way to acknowledge every Afghan citizen.”

Afghanistan’s Path to Social Peace

According to Mohammad Khalid, a former deputy at the Afghanistan High Peace Council, peace can be divided into two aspects: political peace and social peace. 

Since the Taliban’s takeover on August 15, 2021, Afghanistan has experienced a semblance of peace, but Khalid argues that it’s far from complete. He notes that the previous government and the National Peace Council failed to unify the country, partly due to foreign interference. Khalid believes that Afghanistan’s journey to achieving lasting social peace is far from over. 

He argues that Western models of peace are not suitable for Afghanistan’s unique cultural and social context. “Afghanistan needs a peace module that is uniquely its own, designed to bridge the gaps and heal the divisions within our country and its deprived people.”