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This Week in Peace #63: December 20

By
Tara Abhasakun
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Rwanda and DRC flags, photo by Leo Altman/Shutterstock.

This week, are Israel and Hamas inching closer to a ceasefire? Peace talks between Rwanda and DRC called off. Amidst Sudan’s deteriorating situation, UN envoy attends meeting on peace efforts.

Are Israel and Hamas inching closer to a ceasefire?

After over a year and three months of war, are Israel and Hamas inching closer to a ceasefire? This week, a senior Palestinian official part of indirect negotiations between the two parties told BBC that talks were “in the decisive and final phase.”

The US, Qatar, and Egypt have resumed mediation efforts, and say that both sides are showing more willingness to come to a deal. Israeli defense minister Israel Katz said that a deal is closer than ever. 

Hamas spokesperson Bassem Naim told Newsweek that progress on talks was “positive and optimistic.” Naim added that “Unless Netanyahu and his government set new conditions, we may reach an agreement soon,” and that, “On our part, we are showing all flexibility to facilitate reaching an agreement.”

But some obstacles remain, Israeli and US officials say, including the disclosure of names of hostages to be released by Hamas, and details on the positioning of Israeli forces. Israel is still carrying out airstrikes in Gaza, with a strike on one of the last functioning medical facilities in northern Gaza on December 17 killing eight people according to medics, Washington Post reported.

Hamas’s brutal attack on Israel on October 7 killed over 1,200 people, and Israel’s operations in Gaza since then have, according to Gaza’s Ministry of Health, killed 44,786 Palestinians as of December 10. 

Peace talks between Rwanda and DRC called off

Peace talks between Rwanda and the DRC which were set to take place on December 15 were called off. Congolese presidency spokesman Giscard Kusema told AFP that the hurdle to peace talks was over a Rwandan demand to “…set as a precondition for the signing of an agreement that the DRC hold a direct dialogue with the M23.”

On December 13, Rwandan Foreign Minister Olivier Nduhungirehe said that Rwanda desired “a firm commitment from the DRC to resume direct talks with the M23 within a well-defined framework and timeframe.” However, DRC’s government says that the M23 only exists due to Rwanda’s military support, and that if Rwanda withdraws its troops from DRC, the conflict with M23 will end. 

Both M23 and Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) have committed grave war crimes and violations of international law, including unlawful killings and sexual violence. DRC’s crisis has left over 7 million people internally displaced, accounting for 10 percent of the world’s internally displaced people (IDPs). This follows a number of failed peace efforts between the DRC government and M23 rebels. To learn more about the human suffering caused by this crisis, click here. 

Amidst Sudan’s deteriorating situation, UN envoy attends meeting on peace efforts

Amidst the deteriorating humanitarian situation in Sudan, the UN envoy for Sudan on December 18 joined a meeting in Mauritania focused on coordinating peace efforts in the country. Discussions at the meeting in Nouakchott reviewed the efforts of the UN and Saudi Arabia in Sudan’s situation. 

This news comes as El Fasher, the capital of North Darfur state, has been under seige. UN spokesman Stéphane Dujarric told reporters on December 17 that the World Food Programme has been unable to get into El Fasher. A WFP convoy with 178 metric tons of aid and food headed for Zamzam Camp was rerouted to Kalma Camp due to security concerns, Dujarric said. The convoy did, however, provide assistance to almost 15,000 people. Dujarric added that the WFP is trying to reach 14 hunger hotspots across Darfur, Kordofan, Khartoum, and Gezira states, but is struggling due to the ongoing fighting, Sudan Tribune reported.

Last month, it was reported that over 61,000 people had died in Sudan’s Khartoum state, a number much higher than previously believed. While 26,000 of these people were killed in violence, the leading cause of death across the country was preventable disease and starvation, BBC reported.

Sudan’s conflict, which began in April last year, has led to a major humanitarian crisis with millions displaced.

This Week in Peace will be on a hiatus for the holidays next week, however, we will be back the following week.

Environmental Violence in Peace Research: A Gap and Opportunity

By
Richard Marcantonio
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A building damaged in Ukraine, screenshot from Washington Post video.

In Ukraine, over 6.5 million acres of agricultural land have been mined or contaminated to date, requiring costly remediation to render safe for livelihoods, food, and freedom of movement. In Ukraine’s urban centers, more than 210,000 buildings have been destroyed, many of which contain hazardous material such as asbestos. In Gaza, most agricultural land has been destroyed or otherwise rendered unsafe, while 70% of the water infrastructure has been destroyed or damaged. The environment can be more than a potential trigger of conflict. The environment during conflict is degraded, neglected, a mechanism of control, and a vector of violence—all of which erode peace and possibilities to restore it.

Peace studies as a field of research has historically overlooked critical aspects of the environment in conflict, though scholars in adjacent fields have long highlighted concerns of violent environments. The emergent field of environmental peacebuilding has worked to address this gap, but even it has underrepresented important areas critical to human flourishing and peace. For example, environmental peacebuilding has predominantly focused on natural resource management rather than environmental management, despite a long history of considerations for the toxic remnants of war and ecocide in the ecology of conflict. Importantly, the gaps should be seen not as shortfalls of the past, but rather open opportunities of the future for peace scholars and practitioners. In many cases it is peace scholarship, especially empirical evidence derived from on the ground fieldwork, that needs to catch up to communities of practice.

The dominant lens of environment-conflict relationships in peace studies has been the environment as a potential trigger of (armed) conflict. Resource scarcity and abundance have both been shown to contribute to conflict, but also to cooperation. The long-running debates around the direction and impact of this relationship are many.  Climate change as a driver of numerous ecological and social outcomes, a purported ‘threat multiplier’ contributing to direct violence has also been explored in depth—again with robust debates. Alongside this, in the field of ecological economics, the idea of ecological distribution conflicts emerged capturing direct violence tied to the unequal distribution of toxic risks—a core inequality found in environmental justice research and activism.

Investigating if, how, and under what conditions environmental stresses can beget conflict is important. But human-caused environmental change itself is a vector of violence. Climate is not just a threat multiplier, it is a hazard that directly harms humans. In the long-running debate about whether climate change ‘causes’ conflict, for example, explorations up the causal chain stop at ‘climate,’ rather than further up the chain to attribute the “cause” of climate. 

Environmental violence— direct harm to human health from human-produced pollution beyond what is needed to meet human needs and flourishing—is a primary cause of human suffering detracting from peace. In fact, it is one of the largest sources of early human mortality today. We can map and measure the sources, distribution, and outcomes of environmental violence, so it is not invisible and thus potentially manageable and mitigatable. Yet, these environmental vectors of human harm are often not conceptualized as violence, importantly not in environmental policy nor in peace studies. This is despite recent recognitions of a clean, safe, and healthy environment as a human right.

Recent work in environmental security studies has begun to question and recognize climate as a form of violence as an additional valence of environment-conflict relationships. However, it is still a heterodox position in key peace studies conversations. For example, in the last twenty years the Journal of Peace Research, which many consider the flagship journal of peace studies, has not published a single research article on environmental violence, slow violence, climate violence, or environmental justice. Like many venues, these sources of human suffering are not considered a form of or akin to direct violence, and therefore not peace studies.

The gap of environmental violence is in part a result of two additional gaps. First is a gap in systems thinking as an underpinning concept and methodology for tracking and understanding the complexity in human-environment interactions in peace studies. Recent work has strongly pushed this point and demonstrated the value of systems thinking for peace studies, especially complex adaptive systems thinking. Second is the need for multi and transdisciplinary investigations, either executed by individuals or research teams. In other words, scholarship that thoroughly integrates multiple ways of knowing and knowledge bases from the humanities to the environmental and social sciences, to comprehensively account for environmental violence and its multivalent impacts that degrade peace and human security.

Environmental violence is a complex, multivalent, but not intractable phenomena. It is also one of the greatest threats to human flourishing and peace today. Mainstreaming it in peace studies is not only essential, but a generative opportunity.

In a Small Sewing Workshop, 20 Afghan Women Silently Press On

By
Humayoon Babur
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Khadija, photo via Mawj News, used with permission.

Over three years have passed since Afghan women were systematically barred from education, work, and public life under Taliban rule. But in a small, brightly lit sewing workshop in Kabul’s Khair Khana neighborhood, the hum of sewing machines tells a story of quiet defiance.

Here, 20 women gather daily to stitch garments and, with them, a semblance of hope. It’s not just fabric they work on; it’s their resilience, survival, and determination to chart a path forward.

Khadija (name changed for security), the workshop’s founder, presides over the scene like a patient teacher and determined entrepreneur. She started this initiative with little more than a dream, her tailoring skills, and 200,000 Afghanis (around $2,941). The result is a lifeline—not just for herself but for her team of women and girls who otherwise have few places to turn.

“I learned tailoring from my mother and started working at home,” she says. “But I wanted to provide opportunities for other women. That’s why I set up this workshop. Now, 20 girls work with me.”

The workshop produces various garments, from casual to traditional Afghan attire. These hand-sewn outfits, rich in cultural symbolism, are sold in Kabul and beyond. Recently, orders have started arriving from international buyers, including Afghan communities in the U.S.

“Our handmade clothes have reached Ghazni and even international markets,” Khadija says. “We’re proud of what we’ve achieved, but we need support to grow. Afghan women are hardworking, and with the right resources and access to markets, we can achieve anything.”

Struggles and Silent Resistance

The workshop is a microcosm of Afghan women’s struggle to reclaim their agency. Many of the women who work here, including young girls like Sadaf and Lima (names changed for security), had their education abruptly halted when the Taliban shut schools for girls. Now, they’ve turned to tailoring as a way to move forward.

Lima, photo via MAWJ News, used with permission.

“It has been three years since education stopped,” Sadaf says, carefully measuring fabric. “I turned to tailoring to make a living, but I still hope for change. I want support for handicrafts and education so women can continue their lives.”

For Lima, the workshop has become both a refuge and a springboard for ambition. “After schools closed, I started working here,” she says. “I’ve learned tailoring and now have goals for the future. Like Khadija, I want to open a workshop someday and provide jobs for other women.”

Some of the garments crafted here—such as intricately embroidered Afghan dresses that hold deep cultural significance—ironically find their way back to the workers’ families. 

Despite their economic hardships, these workers prioritize preserving cultural traditions by purchasing these items. This reflects the resilience of Afghan culture amidst the ongoing challenges in the country, where economic struggles are juxtaposed with the desire to uphold heritage and identity. 

It’s a quiet but potent form of resistance, a reminder that Afghan women continue to contribute to the country’s fabric, both literally and metaphorically.  

Challenges of Survival

Running a small business in Afghanistan is no small feat. The economy remains isolated, and opportunities to connect with global markets are scarce. Najib Sahibzada, an economic expert, acknowledges the barriers.

“Without ties to the outside world, expanding small businesses is extremely challenging,” he says. “But Afghan women can use social media platforms to showcase their products, especially to Afghan communities abroad. It’s one of the few marketing tools available to them.”

Khadija sees potential in this strategy but knows it requires resources and training that many women, including herself, don’t yet have. “Social media could help us, but we need support to get there,” she says.

For the women of Khair Khana, the workshop is more than a place to earn a livelihood. It’s a space where they can reclaim some of the independence and dignity stripped from them. The rhythmic hum of sewing machines fills the air, a steady, determined sound that underscores their perseverance.

“We don’t know what the future holds,” Khadija says. “But we do know that we can’t give up. We have families to support, dreams to pursue, and lives to live.”

Through the dedication of Khadija, Sadaf, Lima, and countless others like them, Afghanistan’s silent majority continues to press on, stitching together hope and resilience, one garment at a time.

This Week in Peace #62: December 13

By
Tara Abhasakun
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New Syrian leader Abu Mohammad Al-Jolani, screenshot from CNN video.

This week, with Assad gone, what are Syria’s prospects for peace? Under tense ceasefire, Israeli forces leave Lebanese village.

With Assad gone, what are Syria’s prospects for peace?

Former Syrian President Bashar Al Assad fled the country to Russia on December 8, following a 24-year reign and  over 500,000 people killed in the country’s civil war. Known as a brutal dictator, over 100,000 people were detained or forcibly disappeared under his regime, many of whom were tortured. 

With Assad gone, many are discussing the possibility of peace under Syria’s new Islamist rebel government. This government, led by Abu Mohammad Al-Jolani, is made up of a group known as Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), meaning Organization for the Liberation of the Levant. The group had early links with ISIS and Al Qaeda, however, it has since tried to portray a more moderate image of itself, although the US and other Western countries still label it a terrorist group. 

On December 10, UN Special Envoy for Syria Geir Pedersen warned that the transfer of power had come with the “invasion of public buildings or private homes. But this seems to have stopped and that is a good thing.”

After it captured Aleppo, HTS promised to protect religious and ethnic minorities such as Kurds and Christians. HTS leaders also met with the city’s Christian community. However, human rights groups have been cautious about this promise. Nadine Maenza, president of the International Religious Freedom Secretariat, told Voice of America (VOA), “We pray that continues, as HTS has a troubling history of governing under a harsh version of Islamic law in Idlib.”

There are also concerns about other armed groups targeting minorities, such as the Syrian National Army (SNA), a coalition of Turkish-backed Islamist militias. Human rights experts say the SNA has targeted Kurds, Christians, and Yazidis, and has incited violence against Kurds especially. 

While HTS has not been reported to have significantly violated minority rights since its takeover, experts say that rights groups should keep an eye on its allied factions.

It remains to be seen whether peace is in Syria’s near future. 

Under tense ceasefire, Israeli forces leave Lebanese village

Under a tense ceasefire, Israeli military forces have left the southern Lebanese village of Al-Khiam on December 11. In a statement, Gen. Erik Kurilla called the withdrawal an “important first step in the implementation of a lasting cessation of hostilities and lays the foundation for continued progress.”

On December 12, Lebanon’s army said it had started deploying troops to Al-Khiam after the IDF’s withdrawal, in coordination with UNIFIL. It cautioned Lebanese civilians to not come near the area during its scans of the village for unexploded ordnances, Times of Israel reported. 

Meanwhile, Israel’s army says it is still deployed in other parts of Lebanon’s South, and will work against any threats. Under the ceasefire, the IDF is to entirely withdraw from southern Lebanon by late January. 

Israel and Lebanon’s ceasefire, which began last week, has been difficult. After the ceasefire was declared on November 27, Israel carried out an airstrike on November 28, saying in a statement that suspects had breached the conditions of the ceasefire by arriving in vehicles to areas of southern Lebanon. After Hezbollah fired two rockets at Israeli-occupied territory, Israel launched airstrikes across Lebanon’s South on December 2, killing nine.

On December 11, Al Jazeera reported that Israeli strikes had killed five in southern Lebanon. Israel’s military had no immediate comment on this.

Multicultural Religious Education for Peace in Post-Conflict Poso, Indonesia

By
Saepudin Mashuri
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One peace leader, Lian Gogali, from Poso, has lead peacebuilding work with children, screenshot from CNN video.

Horizontal conflict between Muslims and Christians in Poso, Central Sulawesi, Indonesia in past years  metamorphosed into a vertical conflict between extremist groups and the government. This has left a lasting impact on civil society. However, these conditions have not obstructed peacebuilding in the Poso regency. Multicultural religious education is one approach to building peace in the regency.

Several NGOs have continuously collaborated with local governments, religious leaders, educational institutions, youth figures, and women’s communities to build a peaceful Poso. NGOs involve religious teachers and students of various religions in inclusive education, training young people to be peace agents, and mentoring to build a peaceful life in diversity. 

Peace and interfaith programs have inspired many religious teachers to present an inclusive multicultural learning model in many schools in Poso. They are implementing religious learning, extracurricular activities, socio-religious activities, and humanitarian solidarity programs responsive to peace practices in Poso’s post-conflict environment. Therefore, most schools in Poso have conducted religious education that is oriented towards strengthening religious, national, and cultural values responsive to peacebuilding in schools. Students bring a culture of peace into their families and communities where they live so that they become agents of peace in real-life dialogue between religious communities.

Students are taught about the teachings of their religions, which include non-violence and respect for the teachings of other religions on the principle of human equality as God’s creatures and citizens of the nation. Religious teachers educate inclusive, tolerant, and peaceful dialogue in schools and the Poso community.

Religious education is no longer exclusive, but has become an inclusive means responsive to peace. Every student from various religious backgrounds is given the same opportunity to believe and worship at school. They all participate in academic, extracurricular, socio-religious, and solidarity activities in the name of humanity. Religious education is used as an approach to eliminate negative stigma and promote non-violent attitudes towards people of other religions.

Multicultural religious education learning strategies implemented to support the development of religious peace in schools after the conflict include:

1. Responsive multicultural school policies. A principal in Poso has implemented a multicultural religious education policy that considers the Poso community’s social context, which has experienced religious conflict in the past. This policy plays a role in building awareness of the importance of living peacefully in diversity, especially between Muslim and Christian students as objects affected by the conflict. The main principle of this policy is equality in faith, worship, and humanity, regardless of religious and ethnic differences. The school motto, “Welcome diversity, goodbye uniformity,” reflects this policy.

2. Improving the multicultural competence of religious teachers. Schools in Poso continue to improve teachers’ multicultural competence through interfaith trainings that promote harmony between Christians and Muslims. Teachers from various religions are given equal opportunities to understand other religions by visiting places of worship and participating in interfaith activities. Teachers can teach moderate and inclusive religious values that strengthen tolerance, social cohesion, togetherness, synergy, and collaboration across religions in schools and the Poso community.

3. Formulation of inclusive multicultural learning objectives. Religious education objectives are formulated to foster multicultural understanding and awareness, both in spiritual and social aspects. Religious learning is directed to avoid using terms or themes that can trigger differences, stereotypes, and conflicts. Religious teachers encourage mutual respect and maintain harmony through real-life dialogue in universal social and humanitarian activities.

4. Integration of multicultural values ​​into the curriculum. All schools in Poso integrate multicultural values ​​such as mutual forgiveness, respect, compassion, tolerance, and cooperation in religious education materials. Learning is designed so that students understand the similarities and differences, especially between Islam and Christianity, so they can respect each other. This step creates a peaceful learning atmosphere and prevents students from intolerance that leads to violent conflict.

5. Contextual learning practices. Religious teachers link multicultural materials with the realities of the Poso area, which has been in conflict and building peace. Teachers use images, films, and videos reflecting religious diversity to encourage tolerance, peace, and non-violent attitudes in schools and communities. Students are involved in peace promotion activities at other schools. Students are directed to maintain each other’s security during religious rituals, active in humanitarian activities such as raising funds, food, and clothing for people of different religions affected by natural disasters.

6. Evaluation of multicultural learning outcomes. Learning evaluation involves an integrative assessment between cognitive aspects and socio-humanitarian practices, focusing on student involvement in interreligious and intercultural activities. Teachers assess students’ cognitive understanding through exam questions on religious, cultural, and national diversity themes. Furthermore, teachers assess students’ active roles in universal socio-religious and humanitarian activities that support peace in schools and the Poso community today.

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