Home Blog Page 42

Can media and technology reduce election violence?

By
Pablo Molina Asensi
-
0
A sign for non-violence during the Burkina Faso elections of 2012, photo via Wikimedia Commons.

Experts with international experiences in reducing election violence share their lessons for the United States.

Technology can be a transformative tool in addressing electoral violence, said a panel of violence prevention experts. They highlighted some promising examples of effective interventions to reduce violence ahead of electoral processes but also pointed out that novel technologies like AI might present challenges.

The discussion took place on November 2 at George Washington University’s Elliott School of International Affairs. It was hosted by the Institute for Public Diplomacy and Global Communication and moderated by Peace News director Babak Bahador.

Susan Benesch, founder of the Dangerous Speech Project, and Theo Dolan, Digital Technology and Civic Activism Advisor at USAID, pointed to Kenya as an interesting example of how media can support peaceful elections. The East African country faced intense violence after the 2007 presidential election. Incumbent President Mwai Kibaki was reelected but faced allegations of electoral manipulation from opposition figures and international observers. 

The election campaign was defined by polarization and hate speech between Kenya’s various ethnic groups. Bensesch said that the election’s rhetoric transformed the way Kenyans understood their own identity: “This campaign was so successful that you could ask people “Who are you?” and instead of saying “I am Kenyan” they would name their subgroup, their particular ethnic group.” Over 1,000 people died due to the post-election violence and almost 700,000 were displaced.

With tensions high before the 2013 election, peacebuilding practitioners were motivated to experiment with different methods. Benesch cooperated with Vioka Mahakamani, a popular Kenyan courtroom comedy drama, to produce four episodes warning about the dangers of violent speech. Researchers at the University of Pennsylvania later found that the episodes were effective in raising awareness about the dangers and legal consequences of incitement to violence.

Kenya has become a forerunner in using technology, especially text messaging, to prevent violence, said Dolan. He explained how, following the lead of local organizations like Una Hakika and Sisi Ni Amani, the United States Institute of Peace’s PeaceTech Lab deployed texting as a tool for conflict prevention during the 2017 election. These projects all allowed people to send texts about instances of violence or misinformation to a central platform, where fake stories could be debunked and researchers could compile detailed information about political violence in the country. Dolan emphasized that local community leaders and networks remained crucial in preventing electoral violence.

The traditional division between international and domestic electoral violence prevention work is artificial, said Vasu Mohan, Senior Country Director for Nepal and India and Senior Advisor for Conflict and Displacement at the International Foundation for Electoral Systems. He argued that the U.S. had a lot to learn from efforts to prevent election violence abroad. 

Mohan also emphasized the importance of working with local thought leaders to prevent election violence. He pointed to the success of peacebuilding NGOs in the 2018 gubernatorial election in the Indonesian province of West Kalimantan. The region experienced intense political polarization between its Muslim Malay and Indigenous, mostly Christian communities, but civil society organizations worked directly with religious leaders to train them to use counterspeech to dampen the effectiveness of hate speech and disinformation. 

Mohan said that the region also benefitted from fact-checking from Mafindo, a grassroots NGO carrying out fact-checking in Indonesia. The country also had an independent electoral authority that effectively cooperated with civil society. This whole-of-society approach resulted in very little political violence despite widespread incitement to violence, and became a model for future elections in Indonesia.

The panel took several questions on a variety of topics. When asked how artificial intelligence (AI) and similar technologies could be incorporated into violence prevention, Benesch said that more research was necessary to determine if AI-generated counterspeech would be helpful or detrimental. She proposed that bots could be used to produce mass counterspeech: “It’s possible that people will in fact be more responsive to counterspeech produced by AI and more willing to engage with it than counterspeech produced by humans, in part because you can’t infuriate a bot.” 

Benesch admitted that this could be counterproductive, saying that people are more inclined to believe known and trusted sources and leaders.

Dolan agreed with this approach and said that the tools of disinformation could be turned against it: “We tend to be quite slow in learning from malign actors, and we can use some of the tactics that they employ also to our benefit.” However, he argued that AI large learning models (LLM) need to be trained on more diverse data, as most of their information is currently from the global north.

Media literacy remains a powerful preventive tool for violence prevention, according to Mohan and Dolan. Mohan argued for a model of civic education that integrates international human rights and conflict resolution training at every level of education.

“It’s not just media literacy in the sense of just maybe to be able to detect AI-generated content or to detect misinformation, disinformation,” said Mohan, “but also I think parallel to that there has to be something about ethics, about media ethics, and the idea of social cohesion.”

When asked about how to hold political leaders who make non-violent pledges accountable, Benesch said that countries with more powerful parties had an advantage. If parties have an incentive to stick to non-violent language, they can control their candidate’s messaging and ensure they follow up on their pledges. Benesch and Mohan both also said that institutions that can enforce rules or shame candidates, such as independent electoral commissions and competent and professional security forces, are critical.

The panelists argued that in low-technology environments, art can be an effective tool for violence prevention. Mohan said community-based theater was a promising intervention, and Benesch pointed to graffiti artists creating murals against political violence. Dolan added that radio, still the main mass media technology in many global south countries, remained effective in some contexts.

The panelists were also asked about the role of age and gender in violence prevention. Benesch pointed out that young men commit the majority of political violence, especially when their social circle seems to condone that violence. Fear, she argued, is a central driver of political violence, and peacebuilders should address messaging that preys on people’s fear of public servants such as election workers and emergency services. In the U.S., conspiracy theories targeting election workers have become widespread. False rumors about the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) have also emerged after the devastating hurricanes that affected the southern U.S. in October and September.

Mohan said that young leaders and influencers are key to reaching out to young men, but that women leaders should also be integrated into violence prevention efforts. Too often, women, minorities, and people with disabilities are sidelined during anti-violence programming, he said.

Technology can have regressive effects and facilitate gender-based violence, argued Dolan. He said that when women in public spaces are targeted, this can have a chilling effect on their speech.

Women’s indigenous institutions are key in South Sudan’s national peacebuilding

By
Winnie Bedigen
-
0
Mabior ('white bull') sacrificed at the conclusion of the Wunlit Peace Conference. Photo via Wikipedia, William O. Lowrey.

Why a women’s indigenous institution (Honyomiji) in national peacebuilding?

South Sudan continues to be featured in international news headlines, most recently in reports about renewed peacebuilding efforts. In May 2024, talks began between the South Sudanese government and rebel groups. These talks were not part of the 2018 agreement ending five years of civil war. The conflict left around 400,000 people dead. The talks resulted in a “commitment declaration” for peace (the content of which has not been released to the public). However, the situation remains precarious. South Sudan’s first Vice President Riek Machar has recently raised concerns about the process. One striking aspect of the negotiated settlement is that men– male politicians, negotiators, and facilitators, dominate it. This raises an important  question: How would the peace process look like, and what would its outcomes be, if it was led by women? Given the extreme fragility of the peace process, will South Sudan ever experience long-term stability and peace?  

My recently published book, Indigenous Peacebuilding in South Sudan, engages this question by looking at the involvement of women in peacebuilding projects at a grassroots community level. In this article, I will share some of my key findings, and I will demonstrate that women’s traditional institutions’(Honyomiji) roles, and obligations such as leadership, education, and social support, are crucial in promoting peace in the intra-ethnic, inter-ethnic settings. I argue that female inclusion in national peace initiatives are core to the delivery of sustainable forms of peace and reconciliation in South Sudan.

Is there such a thing as a women’s traditional institution suitable for national peacebuilding?

Honyomiji is a central female institution. Honyomiji is a term applied to indigenous female leadership, something widely practised by a dozen ethnic groups in South Sudan. Historically, a few Nilotic ethnic groups such as the Lotuho, Lukoya, and Lango, practised the Honyomiji leadership system, and other groups such as the Dinka, Nuer, and Acholi, have adopted the system. The male equivalent of Honyomiji is known as Monyomiji, which means “the owners or fathers of the village.” 

As an institution obligated to protect the community, Honyomiji encourage revenge and initiate cattle raids. Alongside these activities, the Honyomiji encourage men to go to war by publicly singing war songs and chanting words of bravery, which incite men to act. However, alongside these combative and defensive activities, the Honyomiji is also a space to solve problems and resolve conflicts.  My work shows that within Honyomiji, women take on a whole series of vital activities including: supporting family decision-making, bringing the family together, providing moral instruction for children, and settling inter-ethnic disputes. Women also develop methods for peacebuilding including, arbitration, adjudication, negotiation, and mediation, which are essential to the institution of Honyomiji. After decades of war and the breakdown of central state authority, indigenous peacebuilding methods and grassroots institutions such as Honyomiji have become increasingly important in resolving diverse disputes and fostering a sense of connection and belonging between refugees, returnees, and ‘stayers.’ In this way, a vital task of the Honyomiji is to maintain the community’s history, cultural awareness, and sense of political, social, and economic independence. My findings show that this institution is primarily responsible for the leadership, education, and social support of the whole community, which are key aspects in fostering peace. 

What role have Women/ Honyomiji played in peacebuilding?

Leadership: Honyomiji local-level leadership has been crucial in ending conflicts between different ethnic groups, as well as smaller conflicts at the level of the family and the village. My work demonstrates that women leaders within the Honyomiji system organise other women, facilitate, train, and make decisions. In strengthening their communities, these indigenous leaders also play a vital role as storytellers and ceremonial leaders. For instance during the Sudan Second Civil War, local-level peace conferences Wunlit, that took place at Wunlit Village women leaders led others in singing peace songs and storytelling. Their contribution to Wunlit led to relative peace for nearly a decade. 

Education: Honyomiji institution encourages women to promote indigenous knowledge in their families’ children’s upbringing, including conflict prevention, conflict management, and peacebuilding techniques and behaviours. Based on a close-knit community ethos, this localised form of community education prioritizes physical, artistic, creative, moral, mental and spiritual development of children, in comparison to narrow professional skills. In this education system, values critical for peacebuilding are transmitted, the most essential being honesty, respect, property rights, the cherishing of nature, hard work, generosity and self-reliance. My work demonstrates that this contextual nature of knowledge is foundational for sustainable peacebuilding at national levels.

Social support: Many decades of war have ruined peace and stability within many South Sudanese communities. However, Honyomiji promotes social solidarity and belonging, and suggests an alternative route to reconciliation, peace and social development. My work demonstrates that women, under the Honyomiji system, are able to provide a range of informal social and economic support, maintain strong families, and model essential values for local reconciliation and inter-ethnic co-existence. However, Honyomijis go much deeper, working at the level of kinship. Under the values of Honyomiji, social support is expected, not only from within families, but the norms of respect and co-existence extended into the public terrain of political leadership as well. Thus, a network of mutual care and obligation covers both political and private realms, ensuring that everyone can access the most basic needs, e.g., food and healing herbs. 

Sustainability in providing social support for effective peacebuilding is only possible where people share a common socio-cultural, national, or civic bond. For example, at the Wunlit peace-making conference in 1999, the Dinka and Nuer women and their children contributed firewood, water, cooked food, and participated in the Mabior ceremonial cleansing ritual. Due to their leadership, educational and social support role, Honyomiji remains an essential asset in conflict prevention, peace-making, and post-war peacebuilding, reconstruction and development in South Sudan.

From Conflict to Hope: The Afghan Entrepreneur Empowering Women

By
Humayoon Babur
-
0
Photo by Khan.

After the collapse of the republican system in Afghanistan in August of 2021, many women employed in organizations, offices, and companies lost their jobs. These women, who were often responsible for supporting their families, faced severe economic hardships. In the fourth quarter of 2022, female employment was estimated to fall 25 percent lower versus the second quarter of 2021, before the Taliban took over, according to the International Labour Organization (ILO). Ghulam, a resident of Ghazni province, saw an opportunity amidst these challenges. 

With the country emerging from 40 years of conflict, he believed that creating job opportunities could contribute to peace and stability. His vision was to help unemployed women while also benefiting by starting a small factory that produced tomato paste.

Despite the Taliban’s severe restrictions on women, Ghulam moved forward with his plan. He launched the factory in Ghazni, and for the first time, produced 350 kilograms of tomato paste. His efforts quickly grew, and now, the factory employs 11 women. “The hopes of 11 families are tied to this factory,” he proudly told Peace News Network (PNN). Though the road has been difficult, Ghulam remains hopeful that his work will expand. “Things are not going well, but I continue with optimism. After the devastation of war, Afghans need to come together in peace to build a better future,” he added.

Photo by Khan.

Ghulam is also encouraged by the improved security in Ghazni, a province once ravaged by war. “There used to be fierce fighting here. In 2015, the Taliban overran the provincial capital for the first time in 14 years. Military personnel were always on the streets, and life was unpredictable. Now, there’s peace, and it’s possible to work,” he said. However, he acknowledged that economic conditions remain poor, with high unemployment and low incomes. “I hope the economic situation will improve, and my business will grow. I aim to create job opportunities for more women so they can support their families,” he explained.

Speaking about his factory’s operations, Ghulam expressed satisfaction, even though there hasn’t been significant progress. “We produce 1,200 bottles of tomato paste daily during the three-month tomato season. We buy tomatoes from Afghan farmers, which helps the local economy. Small businesses like mine play a vital role in peacebuilding,” he said. However, he noted a major challenge—competition from Iranian tomato paste in the market. “Our market is small, and many people use Iranian products. If we receive help with marketing, we can provide more jobs and grow the business.”

Ghulam is also calling on the government to support local industries. “A major obstacle is the lack of a good location for factories. We need a well-organized industrial park where we can produce high-quality goods and create more jobs,” he urged. His plea is clear: to boost both the economy and peace, the government must provide infrastructure and market opportunities for small businesses.

One of the factory workers, Karishma, 33, expressed her gratitude for the job. “I’m happy I’ve been given this opportunity. I want to learn and eventually start my own factory, where I can employ more women. Women are facing many economic challenges, and the government and factory owners should focus on providing us with job opportunities,” she said.

Photo by Khan.

Bilal, another worker, echoed her resilience. “I’m glad there is work, and we can earn some money, but we need more job opportunities to improve our lives. Better markets will also help improve our work,” he commented, emphasizing the importance of peace for development.

Factories like Ghulam’s are often supported by organizations working on livelihood projects for Afghanistan’s oppressed people. However, a common issue is that equipment is sometimes given to individuals without the necessary skills, leading to misuse and wasted resources.

Najib, an economic expert from Kabul University, discussed the broader challenges facing Afghan businesses. He noted that few people are willing to invest in the country due to uncertainties about profitability. “Many are unsure if their investments will succeed, but I believe the current environment is suitable for business. Afghans should buy locally produced goods to support investors and create job opportunities,” he advised. He also warned that Afghan businesses struggle to compete with foreign imports. “Afghans can establish small and medium-sized businesses, but they’re afraid of losing their investments due to competition from neighboring countries. We need a system where people won’t lose their capital, and the Ministry of Commerce should clearly identify which sectors need investment,” Najib explained.

Encouraging investors is a key part of the peacebuilding process. While the Ministry of Commerce and the Taliban’s government have repeatedly called on people to invest in Afghanistan, Najib pointed out that no surveys have been conducted to determine where investments are most needed and where local products can compete with foreign goods.

Photo by Khan.

Recently, a seven-day exhibition in Kabul showcased Afghan-made products, with domestic investors struggling to compete. Sayed, an advisor to the Afghanistan Chamber of Commerce, observed that Afghan products face stiff competition from imports from countries like Pakistan, Iran, and China. “Small Afghan factories cannot compete with foreign products because of their better packaging and sometimes higher quality. This makes it difficult for local businesses to find their place in the market,” Saedi noted. However, he praised initiatives like Ghulam’s factory, adding, “What Ghulam has done is a very good initiative, but the government needs to reduce foreign imports to give domestic products a chance.”

For Ghulam and many like him, peace is more than the absence of war. It’s about creating opportunities for Afghans to build better lives.

As Ghulam’s factory grows, the women who work there are not only earning a living but are contributing to a future where peace is sustained by economic stability.

This Week in Peace #56: November 1

By
Tara Abhasakun
-
0
Photo via iStock.

This week, is a ceasefire coming to Israel and Lebanon soon? Nigeria and US join forces to support peace structures. World March for Peace and Non-Violence visits Pakistan.

Is a ceasefire coming to Israel and Lebanon soon?

The war between Israel and Lebanon might be coming to a ceasefire soon, according to Lebanon’s caretaker prime minister Najib Mikati. After speaking with US envoy Amos Hochstein on the phone, Mikati said in a televised interview with Al Jadeed that Hochstein, “suggested to me that we could reach an agreement before the end of the month and before 5 November” (the US election date)” 

Lebanon’s health department says the war has killed over 2,790 people since October 8 last year.  Most of those deaths have been reported in the last five weeks, and officials say more than a million people have been displaced, Sky News reported. 

In the attacks by Hamas against Israel on October 7 last year, Hamas killed around 1,200 Israelis. In the past year, 777 Israeli soldiers have been killed in Gaza and Lebanon.

Last month, the United Nations said in a statement that Israeli tank fire had wounded two peacekeepers at the headquarters of the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) in Naqoura. The statement also noted that escalation was causing “widespread destruction” of towns and villages in Lebanon’s southern region. 

Nigeria and US join forces to support peace structures

Nigeria and the US are joining forces to support peace structures. The initiative, named Peace Action for Rapid and Transformative Nigeria and Early Response Partner (PARTNER), is led by the Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution (IPCR), and funded by USAID. 

At a national stakeholder engagement on Tuesday, the Director General of the Institute for Peace and Conflict Resolution (IPCR), Joseph Ochogwu, said the initiative’s nature was to bring together national, international and local entities to promote social cohesion and prevent violence. 

PARTNER aims to empower communities with tools to monitor and report early signs of conflict, Daily Trust reported. Ochugwu said that PARTNER, which operates in nine states, has used digital tools to enable 100 active reporters and 63 responders to document 363 conflict-related incidents.

Last month, there was another important development in peace in Nigeria. Mercy Corps hosted a two-day youth dialogue in Nigeria’s Katsina State on Wednesday to foster awareness and promote Youth Peace and Security (YPS). To learn more, read here.

World march for peace and non-violence visits Pakistan

The World March for Peace and Non-violence 2024-2025 stopped by Pakistan from October 26-31. The march first launched in 2009 in 400 cities across the globe. This week, members of the World March for Peace visited Lahore and Karachi.

Modern Diplomacy reported that in Karachi, the March engaged with local civil society organizations, students, and peace activists to promote the values of nonviolence and tolerance. Participating in the march allowed Pakistani activists to connect with international activists for potential future collaboration.

Pakistanis have recently been standing up for peace against terrorism. Thousands of Pakistanis demonstrated for peace on October 21 in the city of Bannu, located in the country’s northwestern region. The rally came after several Taliban attacks in Bannu this year, with the most recent attack occurring the previous week. To learn more, read here.

Third autumn of the full-scale Russia-Ukraine war. Are we closer to peace than ever?

By
Maryna Rabinovych
-
0
Photo via National Cyber Security Centre.

As Russia’s war against Ukraine has evolved into a prolonged military conflict with significant casualties on both sides, the prospect of peace negotiations is increasingly viewed by experts and citizens in Ukraine, Russia and Europe as the only viable solution to end the hostilities. Both Ukrainian and international media interpret Ukrainian President Zelenskyy’s recent statement, “We are closer to peace than we think,” as an indication of Ukraine’s growing willingness to engage in negotiations—an option he previously rejected. However, the diversity of existing peace initiatives and the lack of consensus surrounding them, along with the unsuccessful Minsk Peace talks that preceded the full-scale war, greatly hinder the prospects for peace. Most importantly, the profound distrust between the conflicting parties creates a significant obstacle to long-term peace. 

Currently, there are several peace initiatives and diplomatic efforts aimed at ending the war. Suggested by President Zelenskyy, Ukraine’s Peace Formula embraces ten points, ranging from broad and at least partly depoliticized themes, such as nuclear safety, energy and food security, to the withdrawal of Russian troops from Ukraine’s territory and the restoration of the country’s territorial integrity. On 15-16 June 2024, Switzerland hosted the Summit on Peace in Ukraine, where over seventy countries and five international organizations supported this Peace Formula. Though attending the summit, several important Global South countries, such as India, Brazil, Saudi Arabia and South Africa, refrained from endorsing the final declaration, and China did not attend the summit.

At the same time, China and Brazil are pushing for their own six-point plan to stop the war. This plan does not offer a specific solution to the conflict but rather paves the way to negotiations. It argues for de-escalation, emphasizes political settlement, as well as warns against the use of weapons of mass destruction, especially nuclear weapons, and attacks on peaceful nuclear facilities. The plan also contains (a rather vague) point, saying that “dividing the world into insulated political or economic groupings should be opposed”. Subsequently, Brazil and China call for enhancing international cooperation in multiple domains, including energy, trade and finance. Though the China-Brazil Plan partly intersects with the Ukraine Formula (e.g. in part related to nuclear safety), it was criticized by Zelenskyy, calling it a ‘half-hearted settlement plan’, due to the absent focus on restoring Ukraine’s territorial integrity. Switzerland recently became the first European country to support the China-Brazil plan, alongside its support for Zelenskyy’s initiative. 

Russia’s response to these peace efforts leaves little hope for a quick start of official negotiations. Russia rejected the Ukraine’s Peace Formula, alongside the invitation to the next Peace Summit. Instead, President Putin stated that the Kremlin would be willing to end the war if Ukraine cedes the entirety of the Luhansk, Donetsk, Zaporizhzhia, and Kherson regions—of which only Luhansk is fully under Russian control—and abandons its plans to join NATO. The Kremlin has so far not reacted to the China-Brazil Plan, although it has indicated its overall readiness to negotiate with Ukraine.

The lack of trust between the conflicting parties over long-term peace is also based on a decade of failed negotiations before the 2022 full-scale invasion. This was manifested in the Minsk Peace Process between 2014 and 2022 that aimed to resolve the Donbas conflict. The Minsk I and Minsk II agreements froze the Donbas war, but didn’t resolve it. The experience of frozen conflict, negotiations deadlock, and lasting Russian control of parts of Ukraine’s Donetsk and Luhansk regions make Ukrainian leadership extremely cautious that negotiations won’t lead  to a resolution, but rather only to a ceasefire and/or freezing the contact line. Based on this past experience, the main fear for Ukraine is that  any settlement now would only be used by the Kremlin as a break in military actions to rearm and prepare for the next attack. For Russian leadership, the Minsk Peace Process can be also seen as a failure of their coercive diplomacy strategy. This partly explains their eagerness to obtain territorial concessions from Ukraine early on, rather than engage into another decade of negotiations which in their view would be fruitless.

The decade-long conflict, which escalated into the largest war in Europe since World War II, has thus resulted in significant mutual animosity and a drastic decline in trust between the parties involved. The experience with the Minsk Peace Process has further entrenched these divisions, making resolution increasingly challenging. Unless the parties have the genuine will to negotiate and – independently or through a mediator – agree on and abide by minimum pre-negotiations and confidence-building steps, the proliferation of a peace initiative will not lead to peace.

1...414243...179Page 42 of 179