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Rewriting the Future: How Peace Agreements Can Break the Cycle of Child Soldiering

By
Sean Molloy
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A group of demobilized child soldiers in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). Photo by L.Rose via Wikipedia.

As the world continues to grapple with the horrors of armed conflict, one of its most heart-wrenching persisting abuses is the use of child soldiers. These children, drawn into combat by force, coercion, or circumstance, endure unimaginable trauma and loss. Yet, in the aftermath of conflict, their plight is often sidelined in favour of political expediency. This oversight not only hampers their reintegration into society but also leaves open the possibility of their re-recruitment. Amid this complex challenge, peace agreements stand out as critical instruments for ensuring both justice and healing.

Peace agreements are not merely tools to halt gunfire—they are blueprints for rebuilding. As I demonstrate in my recent study, peace agreements signed between 1990 and 2022 that directly reference child soldiers number only 77 out of 252 that mention children at all. These agreements contain a total of 189 provisions focused on child soldiers. While this shows progress, the inclusion of child soldier-specific provisions is still the exception rather than the norm.

At their best, peace agreements can address three interlinked phases crucial to tackling the child soldier issue: ending recruitment and use, disarmament and reintegration, and accountability. Each phase, if addressed thoroughly, holds the power to transform former child soldiers into community members with dignity and purpose.

Halting Recruitment and Use

The first step is to prevent the future recruitment and use of children in armed conflict. Some peace agreements have taken bold steps in this direction. For example, the 2008 Magaliesburg Declaration on the Burundi Peace Process explicitly calls on parties to “abstain from all actions that might be perceived as fresh recruitment drives, particularly among children.” Other agreements, such as the Central African Republic’s Libreville declaration, echo this sentiment by banning recruitment altogether.

Importantly, these agreements don’t just stop at declarations. They often integrate provisions into ceasefire terms, making child recruitment a direct violation. Yet, a critical gap remains: While many agreements focus on forced recruitment, fewer address the broader socio-economic drivers that lead children to voluntarily join armed groups. Poverty, lack of education, and the breakdown of communities are fertile ground for recruitment. Hence, peace agreements must go further—targeting root causes and offering real alternatives.

Disarmament, Demobilization, and Reintegration (DDR)

The second critical area is disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR)—one of the most tangible ways peace agreements can support former child soldiers. Effective DDR programs do more than collect weapons. They offer psychological support, educational opportunities, and pathways back to civilian life.

Some agreements show promising practices. The 2003 Accra Peace Agreement in Liberia required the transitional government to prioritize child combatants in its DDR plans. Similarly, the Comprehensive Peace Agreement between Sudan and South Sudan set timelines for child soldier demobilization and family reunification.

A standout example comes from Sierra Leone, where the Lomé Accord involved UNICEF and other organizations in tailoring DDR efforts to the specific needs of child soldiers. This collaborative, child-centered approach should be the gold standard. Yet, as the research notes, many agreements still treat children as secondary beneficiaries of adult-focused DDR processes—a serious shortcoming.

Accountability and Justice

Perhaps the most sensitive issue is accountability. International law, including the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court, recognizes the recruitment of children under 15 as a war crime. Yet holding recruiters accountable remains politically fraught.

Encouragingly, some peace agreements are making strides. Colombia’s 2016 Peace Accord, for instance, explicitly excluded child recruitment from the list of crimes eligible for amnesty. Similarly, the DRC’s Kampala Dialogue emphasized prosecuting those responsible for recruiting children.

However, accountability must also navigate complex ethical terrain. While the dominant narrative correctly views child soldiers as victims, there are growing calls to recognize their roles as perpetrators—particularly in cases where they commit serious crimes. The international community must walk a fine line: affirming the victimhood of children, while exploring non-punitive accountability mechanisms that acknowledge the harm caused, without undermining their rehabilitation.

Challenges and Opportunities

Despite these advances, numerous challenges persist. Many peace agreements are the result of fragile political compromises, with parties often reluctant to admit to war crimes—including child recruitment. Where all sides in a conflict have used child soldiers, there’s often a shared reluctance to address the issue in peace agreements. Acknowledging it risks international backlash and complicates negotiations. As a result, parties may engage in a tacit “conspiracy of silence,” avoiding the topic altogether to protect themselves from accountability—at the cost of the children’s rights and long-term peace. 

This silence must be broken. International actors, mediators, and civil society organizations have a critical role to play. The UN’s Practical Guidance for Mediators to Protect Children in Situations of Armed Conflict is a step in the right direction, offering concrete tools to ensure child protection is not left off the negotiating table. Moreover, child-specific provisions should be treated not as optional add-ons but as foundational to sustainable peace.

Peace agreements are more than ceasefire documents. They are a society’s first attempt to reimagine itself after the chaos of war. If children are to inherit a world worth living in, then peace agreements must reflect their rights, realities, and needs. That means ending the recruitment of child soldiers, supporting their reintegration, and holding perpetrators accountable. To do any less is to write a peace that is partial, and a future that is fragile.

Keywords: child soldiers, peace agreements, peace, conflict, conflict resolution, justice, transitional justice, war, child recruitment, children, child rights, children’s rights

From Markets to Villages: Peace Caravan Ignites Unity, Inclusion Across The Gambia

By
Mohammed Ibrahim
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People dancing at a market during the peace Caravan and Inclusion Campaign, photo by Activista The Gambia.

The Gambia, a West African nation surrounded entirely by Senegal, has recently seen a worrying rise in tribal divisions. With a population of fewer than five million and a deeply rooted traditional society, concerns about increasing tribalism, exclusion, and marginalization have drawn national and international concern. In June 2024, The CEO of Peace Network, Alassan Justice Jallow, warned of signs of potential violent conflict in the country, including hate speech, disinformation, and misinformation around ethnic and religious attacks.

To tackle these issues, a coalition of peace-focused organizations including Activista The Gambia, Safe Home for Migrants Association (SaHMA), Global Platform, and the Ministry of Youth and Sports, launched a 10-day peace caravan in February 2025.

Backed by the UN Peacebuilding Fund’s Women and Youth Project, the initiative targeted communities across the Banjul, West Coast, and Upper River Regions in the smallest African country.

Taking the Message to the People

Activists used the caravan to bring elders, women, and young people together to discuss peace and harmony, Ansumana Camara, the national coordinator of Activista The Gambia, told Peace News Network (PNN).

He said that during the trip, activists visited districts and met with village heads and community leaders to advocate for the inclusion of youth in development committees and women in district tribunals.

Camara noted the grassroots impact of such engagements. “We took the message directly to where people live, work, markets, public spaces, because these are the voices often left out of policy conversations. We made sure they were heard,” he said.

In marketplaces like Barra, Farafenni, Kaur, and Basse, the Peace Caravan delivered lively musical performances and serious conversations. “We targeted these places because the people there, especially women, are the backbone of society,” Camara said. “They must not be left behind.”

Women dancing at a market during the peace Caravan and Inclusion Campaign, photo credit Activista The Gambia.

Camara recalled the success of similar initiatives during the last election cycle. He said the activists organized a caravan to promote peaceful elections and voter education. This experience, he said, showed them how effective direct community engagement can be in building trust and awareness.

Confronting Tribalism and Empowering Women

Amie Jobe, a peace activist and representative of SaHMA, said that tribalism is one of the root issues they’re confronting. “We believe that most of these communities are struggling with tribalism,” she said, adding that there are deep divisions around identity and inclusion. This, Jobe said, was why the caravan participants came together to speak openly and honestly about peace and inclusion.

Ousman Baldeh, Program Manager at Global Platform, also highlighted the urgent need to address rising tribalism head-on. “Tribalism is rising in The Gambia. People are beginning to identify more with their tribes than with the nation,” Baldeh told PNN. “Some political parties are aligned with particular tribes, and that means even if you are competent for a position other tribes may not vote for you,” he said, adding that this was why the peace caravan was important.

Jobe emphasized that including women in community structures is critical, as many village women are sidelined. “They raise the kids, they farm, but they don’t have a voice in leadership. When women are included, they feel represented. They know there is someone they can talk to about their problems,” she said.

Women at a market during the peace Caravan and Inclusion Campaign, photo credit Activista The Gambia.

She explained that the group brought women and men together, old and young, to have one conversation about peace, because unity is powerful. It builds understanding, and it builds a future, Jobie said.

Challenges on the Ground

But the caravan’s work isn’t easy. “One of our biggest challenges is resources. We can’t reach every village the way we want to,” Jobe admitted. “And sometimes people misinterpret our work as political. That discourages them from participating.” she said.

Beyond Conferences: Reaching Rural Communities

Baldeh stressed the importance of taking peacebuilding beyond workshops and into the streets. “You can’t only talk about peace on TV or in conferences. How many people in rural villages can access those platforms?” he pointed out, saying that the caravan brings the message to people directly. 

Crowd listening to the peace message during the campaign in one of the villages visited. Photo by Global Platform.

Badeh said that the caravan is going to chiefs, youth, women, and everyone who has a stake in peace. He said that participants were asking authorities to include marginalized groups in their decision-making processes.

Listening and Tackling Taboos

The caravan was also an opportunity for the activists to listen. Badeh said that when caravan activists speak, children and youth speak back, and participants hear about their problems. This way, the purpose is not merely to preach peace and inclusion, but to create a dialogue. He also pointed out the long-standing caste and traditional challenges that persist in many rural Gambian communities.

Crowd listening to the peace message during the campaign in one of the villages visited. Photo by Global Platform.

“In some rural areas, people who are considered ‘slaves’ by traditional standards can’t even speak during meetings…They can’t marry who they want. This is part of the problem,” Baldeh said. “To build peace, we need to promote inclusion at all levels regardless of tribe, gender, or background.”

He said peacebuilding is not easy, but warned that if issues of tribalism, marginalization, and inequality are not addressed, it will affect everything: the economy, politics, and people’s daily lives.

Lasting Impact and Future Hope

The Peace Caravan’s impact was clear: Village leaders committed to include youth in development structures and women in community tribunals. Elders opened their ears. Youth opened their hearts. And across regions, the music, the dance, and the dialogue brought people together.

Women at a market during the peace Caravan and Inclusion Campaign, photo credit Activista The Gambia.



This is why in one of the meetings with elders, Alkalo Sailu Bah of Basse emphasized the importance of the caravan’s mission and advised the organizers to always preach peace and remain steadfast in nation building.

A vendor at the bustling Serrekunda market echoed the caravan’s sentiment by telling the organizers that, “Without peace, we cannot even come to the market to sell. We all have a responsibility to maintain peace and we need to be reminded of it every day.”

As Gambia confronts complex challenges from traditional hierarchies to political polarization, initiatives like the Peace Caravan are proving that grassroots peacebuilding remains not just relevant, but essential.

Keywords: The Gambia, peace caravan, peacebuilding caravan, peace, conflict, conflict resolution, Gambia tribes, tribalism, tribal conflict, West Africa, Africa

This Week in Peace #78: April 11

By
Tara Abhasakun
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Flag of Sudan, photo via Wikipedia.

This week, peace talks between DRC government and M23 postponed. Saudi Arabia and US call on Sudan’s warring parties to resume peace talks. UN reports almost 400,000 Palestinians displaced after Gaza ceasefire breakdown.

Peace Talks Between DRC Government and M23 Postponed

Peace talks planned between the government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) and M23 rebels have been postponed. The talks, scheduled for April 9 in Doha, Qatar, have been postponed without a future date set, sources from both parties told Reuters. 

After M23 captured Goma, the largest city in eastern DRC, on January 27, nearly 3,000 people were killed in fighting in the following weeks. More than 500,000 people were forced to flee their homes. Soon after, M23 captured Bukavu, the region’s second largest city, as well. 

The conflict continues to impact every aspect of daily life for civilians. With a surge in theft, fishermen are no longer fishing at night on Lake Kivu due to the fear of being mistaken for thieves. 

DRC’s neighbor, Rwanda, has actively backed M23, as revealed in an investigation commissioned by the UN Security Council, however, Rwanda denies supporting the group. 

Saudi Arabia and US Call on Sudan’s Warring Parties to Resume Peace Talks

Saudi Arabia and the US are calling on Sudan’s warring parties, the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and Rapid Support Forces (RSF), to resume peace talks. On April 9, Saudi Arabia’s top diplomat, Foreign Minister Prince Faisal bin Farhan, met with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio in Washington. 

The two diplomats called on the SAF and RSF to “return to peace talks, protect civilians, open humanitarian corridors, and return to civilian governance,” read a statement by the State Department.

This development came after last week, the SAF said that it had taken back full control of the capital Khartoum after weeks of attacks by the paramilitaries, France 24 reported.

April 15 will be the two-year anniversary of the start of Sudan’s civil war, which was born out of a power struggle between SAF leader Abel Fattah al-Burhan and RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti. The conflict has left the country in what US Secretary of State Antony Blinken has described as the “world’s largest humanitarian crisis, leaving over 25 million Sudanese facing acute food insecurity and over 600,000 experiencing famine.” 

UN Reports Almost 400,000 Palestinians Displaced After Gaza Ceasefire Breakdown

On April 7, UN spokesperson Stephane Dujarric said at a news conference that nearly 400,000 Palestinians had been displaced following the breakdown of the ceasefire in Gaza. Dujarric said, “Overall, we estimate that nearly 400,000 people have been displaced yet again since the breakdown of the ceasefire. That’s 18% of all Palestinians in Gaza.” 

She added that survivors are being,“ displaced repeatedly and forced into an ever shrinking space where their basic needs just cannot be met.” She reported out that all attempts to pick up commodities at crossings had been denied, noting that for the past month, Gaza had had no vaccines, food, fuel, or supplies going in. 

This development comes as Israel and Hamas have continued to disagree on the terms of a ceasefire. Last week, international media reported that Hamas favored a ceasefire put forward by mediators Qatar and Egypt, while Israel has made a counter-proposal in full coordination with the US, which Hamas has decided not to engage with. 

On April 7, YNet reported that Egypt had presented a revised ceasefire plan which would include the release of eight Israeli hostages—with one hostage released per day over the course of a week— in exchange for a 40- to 70-day ceasefire, the release of Palestinian prisoners, and the resumption of humanitarian aid to Gaza.

Palestinians and Israelis have both suffered heartbreaking losses from the war since October 7, with over 1,200 people killed in Israel, and nearly 50,000 Palestinians killed in Gaza, according to the strip’s health ministry.

Keywords: DRC, Congo, Sudan, Israel, Palestine, Gaza, ceasefire, peace talks, conflict, conflict resolution, peace

The Illusion of Inclusion: Child Protection in Peace Agreements

By
Sean Molloy
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A child in Bogota, Colombia, a country where armed conflict has greatly impacted children. Photo by Luna Andrade Arango,

International bodies such as the United Nations have long advocated for the inclusion of child protection measures in peace agreements. UN Security Council Resolution 1379, for instance, urges negotiators to incorporate provisions addressing disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) of child soldiers. Other efforts, including the Checklist for Drafting Children and Armed Conflict Provisions in Peace Agreements, guide mediators on integrating protective language into peace processes​.

Peace agreements are often lauded as blueprints for rebuilding war-torn societies, promising stability and rights protections. Among the most vulnerable groups affected by conflict are children, whose safety, well-being, and rights are frequently at risk. 

However, my research questions whether the inclusion of child protection provisions in peace agreements is genuinely transformative—or if it merely perpetuates exclusion and power imbalances. My research examines how children’s rights are addressed in peace negotiations. The findings suggest that while many agreements acknowledge child protection, they often reinforce hierarchical power structures, fail to engage children in decision-making, and prioritize protection over participation​.

The research found that peace agreements frequently cite international legal frameworks like the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC). Some agreements go beyond these standards, imposing stricter national obligations to protect children from exploitation, recruitment into armed groups, and abuses during transitional periods​. Countries such as Colombia and South Sudan have incorporated child-specific protections into their constitutional frameworks, elevating these rights to legally binding obligations. 

However, despite these positive steps, inclusion on paper does not necessarily translate into meaningful implementation.

A Closer Look: The Problem with ‘Inclusion’

Despite formal recognition of child protection, peace agreements often fail to produce tangible improvements. The study highlights several key concerns:

1. Failure to Implement Provisions – Many peace agreements are never fully enacted, leaving child protection commitments unfulfilled. The 1993 Arusha Accords, meant to bring peace to Rwanda, ultimately failed to prevent the 1994 genocide. Similarly, earlier peace deals in Colombia, including the 2016 Final Agreement to End the Armed Conflict and Build a Stable and Lasting Peace did not end violence involving children,​ and children continue to be recruited into armed gangs.

2. Exclusion from Decision-Making – Although children are directly affected by war and post-conflict transitions, they are rarely included in peace negotiations. The language used in agreements often frames them as passive victims in need of protection rather than as stakeholders with agency. UNSC Resolution 2427 calls for children’s views to be considered in peacebuilding efforts, but this remains more aspirational than practical​. 

    Although children are scarcely directly included, children’s rights organisations can help to articulate the views and rights of children. For example, during the 2016 peace negotiations between the Colombian government and the FARC, the child rights organization COALICO played a role in advocating for the rights of children and youth affected by the armed conflict.

    3. Reinforcing Power Structures – Peace negotiations are typically dominated by political and military elites—often male leaders—who set priorities based on their own agendas. As a result, child protection measures may be added symbolically, rather than with genuine intent to enforce them. 

      Prioritizing protection over broader rights such as participation and education also risks reinforcing paternalistic attitudes toward children. Peace agreements in countries like Burundi, Yemen, and Angola place more of an emphasis on children being dependent, at risk, and ‘needy,’ perpetuating ideas around children being only vulnerable and lacking agency. Protection is essential, however, children’ s broader rights, such as the right to education, must be more heavily emphasized in order to help children’s needs be fully recognized.

      4. Lack of Legal Accountability – While agreements may reference international laws, the mechanisms to ensure compliance are often weak. Without enforcement, provisions become rhetorical commitments rather than actionable obligations. For example, while some agreements in such places as Colombia and South Sudan recognise a role for UNICEF, the ICRC, and the Office of the UN Special Representative for Children in Armed Conflict, in many contexts no external bodies are appointed to oversee and monitor the implementation of child-specific provisions.

        Moving Beyond Symbolic Commitments

        The research challenges policymakers, mediators, and international organizations to rethink how children are incorporated into peace agreements. It demonstrates that inclusion should not be limited to protective measures but must extend to meaningful participation. Children’s rights advocates suggest several potential reforms:

        –Child Participation in Peace Negotiations – Ensuring that children’s perspectives are actively considered in peace talks, perhaps through youth advisory councils or consultations.

        –Stronger Enforcement Mechanisms – Creating independent oversight bodies to track implementation and hold governments accountable.

        –Shifting the Narrative – Moving away from framing children solely as victims and instead recognizing their capacity to contribute to rebuilding society.

        As conflicts continue to disproportionately affect children, the need for truly transformative peace agreements remains urgent. Without fundamental changes in how agreements are drafted, negotiated, and implemented, the promise of child protection will remain largely unfulfilled—a case of inclusion in theory but exclusion in practice.

        Keywords: children, child protection, war to peace, war to peace transition, transitional justice, transitional peace, conflict, conflict resolution, peace, children’s rights, child rights, child, Colombia, South Sudan

        Private Peace: Can Businesses Become Peacebuilders?

        By
        Pablo Molina Asensi
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        Photo by kryvoshapka via Storyblocks.

        As governments retreat from peacebuilding, corporate initiatives will be increasingly responsible for avoiding the adverse effects of industry on peace and human rights.

        With western governments dramatically cutting budgets for peace, aid, and development, a peacebuilding niche has emerged that could be filled by private companies interested in preserving peace.

        Businesses have a stake in safeguarding sustainable peace in the countries and regions in which they operate, said Mike Jobbins, Vice President of Global Affairs and Partnerships at Search for Common Ground (SFCG), an international NGO focused on ending violent conflict. “Ultimately, you know, anyone involved in business needs a set of social conditions in which that business can thrive… All key trade stops when war breaks out,” he told Peace News Network (PNN).

        A central organization that has emerged with the goal of giving private companies a stake in peacebuilding is the Voluntary Principles Initiative (VPI). Established in 2000, the VPI is a movement that brings together governments, corporations, and NGOs to provide guidance to companies on how to protect human rights in their operations. The organization, Jobbins said, offers a forum to discuss the management of grievances and complaints by local communities, how to engage ethically with military and police forces that provide security around company sites, and issues surrounding technology, surveillance, and data sharing with communities and local law enforcement.

        Jobbins said that SFCG, a VPI founding member, is particularly interested in leveraging the movement to engage with two particular types of businesses: The mining and energy sector, and global digital companies. Extractive industries like mining, he said, are dependent on long-term investment and planning, and are thus encouraged to build ongoing relationships with local communities. Meanwhile, social media companies “see the entire world as their customer, and therefore all of the ills of the world sort of show up on the platform,” said Jobbins, pointing to Meta, X, TikTok, and OpenAI as examples. These types of companies, due to their immovable or intangible assets, are often particularly interested in building peace through sustained engagement with fragile societies, he added.

        The VPI has not been wholly successful in avoiding harms by its member corporations. Since 1975, the Cerrejón Mine in Colombia’s La Guajira department has been the site of numerous environmental and human rights abuses. Initially owned by ExxonMobil subsidiary INTERCOR and purchased by Glencore between 2021 and 2022, the mine has caused the forced displacement of over 25 Indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities, according to a report by civil society organizations CENSAT and CINEP. Between 2022 and 2023, the two groups documented 70 human rights violations by the army, police, and unknown assailants against land defenders. Both ExxonMobil and Glencore are VPI corporate members. According to the Business and Human Rights Resource Centre, Glencore is one of ten mining giants associated with 50 percent of allegations of abuses of environmental, land, Indigenous peoples’ and workers’ rights tracked since 2010. In 2013, Amnesty International withdrew from the VPI, citing its concerns about the organization’s failure to “develop robust accountability systems for member companies.”

        Jobbins, who has experience working in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) for SFCG and the Wilson Center, said that corporate responsibility in peacebuilding is especially important in the country, which has the world’s largest reserves of minerals key to the global transition away from fossil fuels. Extractive industries have often been tied to the DRC’s conflicts, so a special emphasis should be placed, he said, on sustainable development that protects peace and human rights in countries like the DRC. 

        “There’s a long history of the resources of Congo fueling global prosperity and local suffering. Fueling global societies by undermining Congolese society,” he said. “And so in that context, there’s an opportunity to do better.”

        Due to the difficulty of working in a country where mining industries are often involved in human rights abuses, many companies, such as Apple, have instead chosen to withdraw from the DRC entirely. Jobbins said that withdrawal from the DRC’s economy is not a solution, and that responsible presence and reforms represent the best path to peace and prosperity in the DRC and a global fossil fuel-free economy. He said that excluding the country from leading supply chains that connect “some of the poorest people on Earth into the global economy” is not a solution. 

        A better solution, he said, is for the Congolese government, international governments, and civil society groups “to be able to come together and arrange a new kind of social compact about how investment can undo some of the harms that 100 or more years of exploitative investments have done.”

        Nascent efforts to regularize and support artisanal crafters and small-scale miners in the DRC offer a way forward, said Jobbins. He added that corporations and advocacy groups should focus on addressing child labor, illicit taxation, and worker exploitation by increasing oversight over mineral industries. Despite existing criticisms of Glencore, he said that the Anglo-Swiss mining company is making an effort to engage with the Congolese government and local communities to negotiate security and human rights concerns.

        Peace and war will always remain a responsibility for governments, he said, and civil society groups also have a role to play in furthering reconciliation in countries affected by civil war like the DRC. Nevertheless, in a world where peacebuilding is no longer a top priority for the great powers, business is likely to increasingly find itself thrust into the role of defending peace.

        Keywords: business, peace, peacebuilding, corporate, corporations, DRC, Congo, Glencore, human rights, mining, minerals, conflict, conflict resolution

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