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People Choosing Peace: Noor Ghazi (Iraq)

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Noor Ghazi was born and raised in Iraq’s capital Baghdad. In 2003, after Saddam Hussein was removed from power, her family left for Syria with hopes to soon return. But fighting in Iraq continued and life in Syria brought its own challenges, so Ghazi and her family traveled to the United States as refugees in 2008 when she was 18 years old. Once in the U.S., Ghazi earned her Master’s degree in peace and conflict studies at the University of North Carolina-Greensboro and is currently a visiting research scholar there. She also is a translator with the Iraqi Al-Amal Association, which provides courses on non-violence, English lessons and computer training. In a recent phone conversation, she shared her story with Peace Insight

What were the protests in Iraq all about?

Iraq is one of the richest countries in the world, however, Iraqis are still suffering from the lack of resources, quality education and jobs. Life overall is not improving. The protests were peaceful, with people demanding basic human rights: jobs and a decent education. People are graduating from university and they just stay at home, they don’t find any jobs. They’re just wishing for a better life. They’re just wishing for peace that they cannot obtain.

What is your message for the peacebuilders in Iraq?

The peacebuilders in Iraq have been targeted by the militias, by the Iraqi government, by many different groups just because they’re trying to promote peace and trying to speak out. They were threatened and their families were threatened. Many were kidnapped and released after having been tortured, and some we haven’t heard from since the beginning of the protests.

I want to speak up on behalf of all those peace activists who live in Iraq whose voices are oppressed. It’s hard to encourage people to speak out because we are threatening their safety. That’s why I felt like it’s an obligation for me — since I live in a country that gives me the freedom of speech — I can speak up today to tell the world what is happening in Iraq. I want to speak up on behalf of all those peace activists who live in Iraq whose voices are oppressed. All I would say is they should be safe. They should be careful of where they go, what they say, of just speaking up, because it’s not easy and safe to speak up in Iraq today, unfortunately.

Are people listening to what you’re saying here in the U.S.?

Yes, we had a lot of people who actually showed interest in what’s going on, they showed solidarity with Iraq. I held a vigil at the University of North Carolina-Greensboro that was shown on the news. People are interested to learn more about what’s happening. With a group of Iraqi activists, we planned more than 24 rallies around the U.S., the biggest one was in Washington, D.C., in front of the White House.

However, we needed more action from the government and from people who can actually change what’s happening on the ground in Iraq. We didn’t see much of that pressure from the American government on the Iraqi government to at least stop the bloodshed in Iraq.

What gives you hope for your home country?

I’m a person who has always believed in education. We can use it to impact the world positively to make it a better place to live. I know that those protesters in Tahrir Square (the site of the main protests) are very persistent. A lot of them are young men and women who are very insistent this time that they want to just have a safe home for themselves. My hope is hanging there with them, because I know that those young people are capable of making that change in this revolution.

Story: Courtesy of Peace Insight

Images: Noor Ghazi

Op-Ed: Strengthening the UN through a Parliamentary Assembly

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Opinion: Andreas Bummel is is co-founder and Executive Director of Democracy Without Borders. He is global coordinator of the Campaign for a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly which he helped establish in 2007. Since 2019 he has been assisting in launching a campaign for a UN World Citizens’ Initiative.

Despite being based on the promise “Never Again”, following the Holocaust and the Second World War, the United Nations has consistently failed to confront gross human rights violations, due to a lack of both will and power. As genocides and mass atrocities erupted in Biafra, Cambodia, Bosnia, Rwanda, Darfur and Syria, the UN stood by. According to the UN’s Charter, the main responsibility for maintaining international peace and security is vested in the Security Council. However, it is the five permanent members of this Council, the P5, who too often obstructed effective action by using their veto power to block resolutions.

The member states in the General Assembly have been striving to reform the Security Council – and to limit the power of the P5 – almost since the creation of the UN. However, even after decades of negotiations, they have been unable to find a way forward. In particular, the P5 are not ready to give up their veto.

At the same time, the General Assembly is struggling to remain relevant amid ritualistic and overly formalized procedures and routines. Its resolutions are non-binding, and although the assembly declared its subsidiary responsibility for peace and security in cases where the Security Council is unable to act, efforts to confront the P5 have not been very successful so far. The General Assembly may be the UN’s most universal body but its democratic legitimacy is limited. The stark demographic differences between member states mean that small countries command a two-thirds majority of votes although they only represent 8 percent of the world’s population. Tuvalu, with 11,200 residents, has the same power as India, which has 1.34 billion. Further, it is very easy for small states to be manipulated or arm-twisted by large ones, further weakening democratic legitimacy. Important discussions on global governance are instead held in flexible and exclusive formats such as the Group of Twenty.

It is time for another approach. The establishment of a UN Parliamentary Assembly (UNPA) would create new momentum for reform, help revitalize the General Assembly, and strengthen the UN as the world’s central pillar of multilateralism.

The UNPA’s members would be representatives of people from across the political spectrum of member states’ parliaments and from every corner of the globe. Initially the UNPA would be a consultative oversight body, with its strength drawn from the direct connection of its representatives to the citizens of the UN’s member states, and a mandate to serve the best interest of humanity, not narrow national interests.

Just as there are various coalitions and caucuses within the world’s national legislatures, the activities of UNPA representatives would be organized into transnational groupings. Delegates would come from a wide array of ethnic and religious groups, and from all economic classes. Those in the political minority within their home states would be given a voice that is otherwise not heard at the UN. In addition, the assembly would be able to invite representatives of minorities and opposition groups that have no parliamentary seats to present their views, too.

Responsible for the good of the world as a whole, and not to officials in Beijing, Brasilia, or elsewhere, UNPA parliamentarians would have a freedom that current government diplomats at the UN do not. They would be liberated from the constraints that have made it so hard for the UN to openly address human rights violations and other egregious acts by national governments. As soon as realpolitik allows, UNPA members should be directly elected.

Ironically, it is easier to set up a consultative UNPA than to add just one more seat to the Security Council. While the former can be done by the General Assembly according to Article 22 of the UN’s Charter, the latter requires a Charter amendment and an approval of the P5. A UNPA could be the key to unlocking reform of the UN, allowing it at last to live up to the aspirations of its founders, and deliver the effective and accountable global governance the world so evidently and urgently needs. The international Campaign for a UNPA is supported by numerous parliamentarians, NGOs, academics and individuals from all walks of life. The UN’s 75th anniversary in 2020 will be an opportunity for progressive member states to put the UNPA proposal at the heart of a progressive reform agenda for the United Nations.

Photo: Falcon Photography/Flickr

Op-Ed: U.S. Congress Ushers in a New Era of Violence Prevention

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Opinion: Richmond Blake is the Director of Policy and Advocacy at Mercy Corps, one of the leaders of more than 70 organizations in support of the new legislation.

Last week the United States Congress adopted the bipartisan Global Fragility Act (GFA), a significant reorientation of U.S. foreign policy that will better prioritize peacebuilding and conflict prevention at a critical time when 70 million people around the world are on the run from violence, persecution and war. For too long foreign assistance globally has been spent on treating the symptoms of violence rather than the causes, with just 2% of official development assistance to fragile countries going toward conflict prevention. Yet we know that violence results in trillions of dollars in lost economic activity. According to the Institute for Economics and Peace, violence cost the world $14.1 trillion last year, more than 11% of total global economic activity. In the years since 9/11, fragile states like Afghanistan and Iraq have been at the center of U.S. and international counter-terrorism challenges, and are some of the largest recipients of military spending and humanitarian aid. Yet there has never been a coordinated and comprehensive policy bringing U.S. defense, diplomatic and development agencies together to coordinate engagement in fragile countries and, importantly, prioritize violence prevention and peacebuilding efforts. The GFA will mandate the U.S. government create the first-ever U.S. government strategy to reduce violence in high-priority, fragile countries over a 10-year period, dedicating $1.15 billion over the next five years to build peace, prevent conflict and address violent extremism. It will save U.S. taxpayers’ money by preventing the outbreak of conflict rather than the costlier approach of containing it. The inter-agency coordination the GFA requires will lead to better effectiveness for American aid investments. There is value for money in prevention: research has shown that every $1 spent on peacebuilding and conflict prevention would reduce the costs of conflict by $16.

After more than two years navigating the legislative process and a divided Congress, the GFA’s passage with overwhelming support from both Democrats and Republicans is a huge achievement and signals growing bipartisan support for conflict prevention. But that is just the first step. The GFA must now be implemented by the Administration, with strong congressional oversight, to fulfill its promise. In the first year after the GFA’s enactment, the Administration must present a comprehensive government strategy to Congress that prioritizes five countries or regions as well as deliver 10-year plans to operationalize the strategy across the priority countries. It is important that a diverse group of countries is selected to ensure that evidence collected can help identify which programs and policies can be most effective at preventing violence in different contexts. Civil society and international organizations also have an important role to play in ensuring the GFA’s success. In fact, Congress recognized this, requiring that as the strategy is developed, the administration consult with organizations that have experience implementing programs in fragile states. It is critical that these groups share research and field-based programmatic evidence to inform the development of the government’s strategy, as well as publicly advocate for transparency, oversight and accountability. The GFA requires the Departments of State and Defense as well as USAID to provide regular updates on implementation of the GFA through congressional briefings. Biennial reports to Congress and the American people are mandated. My organization, Mercy Corps, along with the Alliance for Peacebuilding has led a coalition of nearly 70 organizations in support of the legislation. Our coalition will now work with the Administration to deliver on the Act’s mandate. We will work closely with the Administration and Congress to ensure that the biennial reports deliver what Congress has asked for: evidence about the diplomatic policy and development programs that are most effective at preventing and resolving conflict. These reports, which include thorough research, monitoring and evaluation evidence, are essential for guaranteeing transparency and accountability to the American public as well as for improving the quality and effectiveness of development programs. With the GFA, we can begin to reverse the frightening 25-year-peak in violence our world is experiencing, and turn the page on outdated and short-sighted approaches that treat the symptoms after violence erupts and not the causes. This is one of the most critical national security and development challenges of our time, and with this landmark legislation signed into law, the U.S. is finally charting a path to a more peaceful world.

Photo: Nuru International applauds the introduction of the Global Fragility Act of 2019 (Photo supplied).

Global Fragility Act advances in the U.S.

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The Global Fragility Act, which aims to improve U.S. government efforts to prevent terrorism from taking root in developing countries around the world, is expected to become law after being included in the bipartisan appropriations package to fund the federal government for Fiscal Year 2020.

“The United States has spent nearly $5.9 trillion in the 18 years since 9/11 to combat extremism and terrorism around the world, and it’s clear we need a new strategy to do that more effectively,” said Sen. Chris Coons (pictured right).

“This legislation is a genuinely bipartisan effort to prevent terrorism from taking hold in the first place, and, by doing that, save American lives and taxpayer dollars. This bipartisan legislation will promote the stabilization of fragile environments where terrorists thrive, build peace, and maximize the impact of U.S. foreign assistance.”

Coons thanks colleagues on both sides of the aisle in an announcement this week, including Sens. Graham, Leahy, Risch, and Menendez, as well as Reps. Engel and McCaul.

“I am also grateful to the United States Institute of Peace for their leadership on this important issue as well as the coalition of organizations led by the Alliance for Peacebuilding and Mercy Corps for their support of this effort,” said Coons.

People Choosing Peace: Women’s advocacy group in Colombia spread hope with quilt project

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Yolanda Perea Mosquera and other women’s rights advocates in Colombia are sewing a colorful quilt. They plan to spread it out over the central square in the capital Bogotá in late November. Their message: “cover me with your hope.”

On each square, they’ve embroidered words about the armed conflict that engulfed their country for five decades and killed more than 220,000 people. In August 2019, Colombia’s FARC (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia—People’s Army) rebels threatened to take up arms again in defiance of a three-year-old peace agreement that finally brought an end to the civil war, saying the government is not fulfilling its end of the deal.

For women in Colombia, the conflict is personal with many having experienced atrocities committed by both sides. We recently spoke to Mosquera in Colombia through an interpreter about how she worked through her own anguish to help inspire other women to report crimes committed against them. According to Mosquera, the women have sewn more than 1,000 squares of quilt so far. They plan to sell each quilt square to raise funds to build a house and memorial to the women who have suffered from sexual violence in the country, she says.

As part of the 2016 peace agreement with FARC rebels, the Colombian government set up a transitional court system, called a Special Peace Tribunal (JEP), to try crimes committed by both sides of the decades-long conflict. Mosquera is among the advocates helping survivors of sexual violence tell their stories and seek justice. Here, she shares her experience in peacebuilding with Peace Direct, and her hopes for the future:

Tell us about yourself and the work you do.

I am 35 years old and the mother of three children. I am from Rio Sucio (in the Choco region of northwestern Colombia). My organization, El Puerto de mi Tierra (or “the port of my land”) defends and protects women’s rights under Colombian law 1448, the Victims and Land Restitution Law.

I was a victim of sexual violence at 11 years old. My mother was killed by FARC rebels after she confronted them about her daughter’s attack. The rest of my family fled. I got married at age 16 and had two children. I started working for a small NGO that helped victims of the armed conflict find housing. Through the NGO, I met a psychologist. As soon as I began talking to this psychologist, I discovered that what I suffered wasn’t my fault, and that was really helpful for me.

What are your biggest challenges as a peacebuilder?

To help women and encourage them to fight against this kind of sexual violence and recover is challenging. The most challenging thing I face is that I’m helping others while I am suffering from poverty. Right now, I don’t have a proper place to live with my 3-month-old baby. But I have to be really committed, because I don’t have the luxury of leaving all these women behind.

But I have to be really committed, because I don’t have the luxury of leaving all these women behind.

The Bogotá quilt initiative is intended to spread hope. What brings you hope when faced with these challenges?

My first inspiration is my mother, who sacrificed her life to protect me. If I don’t persist in my work, my mother’s death would be in vain. I also don’t want other children in Colombia to go through what I did during the conflict. I want to give other children the opportunity to live in better conditions and without sexual violence and armed conflict.

I also don’t want other children in Colombia to go through what I did during the conflict.

Do you have any daily practices that give you peace?

It’s also important to recognize that all human beings have the opportunity to change and mend their mistakes. Like the perpetrators who are FARC members, I always think that they made mistakes, but they have the opportunity to change their own story. I always think of the victims of sexual violence. I’m working on this issue, because there are a lot of victims and a lot of work to do.

It’s also important to recognize that all human beings have the opportunity to change and mend their mistakes.

What’s your message for those who want to be peacebuilders in their own community?

Peacebuilders recognize that violence is not the answer to the problem. Those who are working on peacebuilding processes are building confidence and trust among each other. We are committed to the idea that the common will for everyone is peace. That’s the only way it is possible for us to change all the narratives that say you can achieve something through violence.