El Salvador

El Salvador was ruled by a military government for much of the 20th century. In 1979, a coup overthrew President Carlos Humberto Romero, with a military-led junta taking power. The junta’s plan for land reform sparked violence in the countryside, and a peaceful demonstration was attacked by the military in January 1980. Government violence against civilians seen as aligned with leftist guerilla groups or political organizations grew during this period, with numerous right-wing death squads working with the military and police. In 1980, the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN) was formed and began an armed insurgency against the government. The response from the military government was brutal, especially in the countryside. The army’s scorched-earth tactics led to numerous massacres of civilians and refugees as they tried to deprive the FMLN of their base in the countryside. In December 1981, over 700 civilians were killed in the El Mozote massacre. Thousands were killed or displaced as a result of the government’s campaign in the countryside. After a call for peace was rejected, the FMLN stepped up their attacks, which was met with further military abuses, including attacks on human-rights leaders and politicians, despite promised reforms of security forces. Peace talks in 1987 failed to end the conflict, and FMLN attacks continued. Military-aligned death squads continued a campaign of state terror against guerillas, dissidents, human-rights workers, and the Catholic Church. These killings continued up until the end of the war in 1992. More than one million people were displaced as a result of the fighting, with thousands killed.

While the peace deal that ended the civil war was successful, El Salvador continues to deal with a high degree of violence. Criminal violence, often carried out by gangs known as maras, most notably Mara Salvatrucha (commonly known as MS-13), became a major issue. In response, successive governments of the right-wing ARENA party and the FMLN instituted a set of “mano dura” (firm hand) policies, which led to more arrests, the use of the military to combat gang violence, and allegations of extrajudicial killings of suspected gang members. Prison overcrowding became a major issue in El Salvador, and while mano dura was adopted by many other Central American countries, these policies failed to reduce the level of violence in the country. A brief gang truce in the early 2010s was followed by a return to mano dura, which intensified after the election of populist Nayib Bukele, the first president of El Salvador in the post-civil-war era not to belong to FMLN or ARENA. Bukele has used soldiers to intimidate the legislature and amended the constitution to allow himself to run for a second term. As violence continued to increase, Bukele declared a state of emergency in 2022, which has been extended numerous times. Under the state of emergency, the power of the police to make arrests has been increased, with over 70,000 suspected gang members arrested so far. Plans have been made to put up to 900 suspected gang members on trial at the same time, and while the homicide rate has decreased there are concerns over democratic backsliding and the high number of arrests. Other states in the region have begun to explore adopting similar measures to combat gang violence as well.

In 2023 and 2024, El Salvador’s government continued mass arrests under the state of emergency, expanding prison infrastructure and opening the Terrorism Confinement Center (CECOT), one of the largest prisons in the world. While homicides have reached record lows, human-rights organizations have documented thousands of arbitrary detentions, deaths in custody, and due-process violations. Despite these concerns, Bukele’s security strategy remains widely popular domestically. The 2024 elections reaffirmed Bukele’s dominant control over the political landscape, though critics argue that democratic institutions have eroded. At the same time, some international actors, including the OAS and UN bodies, have urged El Salvador to pair its security crackdown with rehabilitation and reintegration programs to ensure long-term peace and prevent renewed cycles of violence once emergency powers are lifted.

Peace attempts:
Peace talks to end the civil war began in 1987 and included an amnesty law for guerillas and security forces. While they were unsuccessful, negotiations resumed in 1991. The Chapultepec Peace Accords were signed in 1992 in Mexico City. The agreement covered a variety of issues, including reform of the military, judiciary, and electoral system. A new civilian police force was created, and the FMLN was established as a political party. Civilian control of the military was reinforced, and there were provisions for land to be distributed to demobilized members of the FMLN. Controversially, the Accords included an amnesty for combatants, which included members of the military and FMLN who had committed human-rights abuses during the civil war. While not all provisions were fully implemented, the Chapultepec process was successful at ending the civil war. Despite the establishment of a truth commission, which succeeded in identifying tens of thousands of violations of human rights carried out during the conflict, impunity remains a major issue.

As mano dura policies failed to adequately address the high homicide rate in El Salvador, there have been some efforts to negotiate with gangs to reduce violence. In 2012, a truce was negotiated between MS-13 and the rival Calle 18 gang, with help from the government. This truce lasted until 2014 and led to a decrease in homicides. However, following the 2016 election, mano dura policies returned, and many who had helped negotiate the truce were put on trial. The idea of negotiations with gangs to provide some peace remains, however, as Nayib Bukele’s government has also been accused by the United States of secretly negotiating with MS-13. Since 2023, the government has emphasized a “war on gangs” while rejecting dialogue, but international observers and domestic NGOs have called for reconciliation programs and restorative justice initiatives to rebuild communities affected by mass incarceration. The eventual dismantling of emergency powers and reintegration of thousands detained under anti-gang measures will be key to achieving lasting peace and preventing a relapse into violence beyond 2025.